Religion | Islam » Bernardo-Vink - The Accommodation of Islam in Portugal and Ireland, Institutional Configurations and Religious Diversity

Source: http://www.doksinet The accommodation of Islam in Portugal and Ireland: institutional configurations and religious diversity Luís Pais Bernardo Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon Contact: luispaisbernardo@gmail.com Maarten Vink Maastricht University / Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lisbon Paper presented at the workshop "Reflections on Religion in Politics and the Civil Society". Annual meeting of the Dutch and Flemish Political Science Associations. Leuven, 27-28 May 2010 This paper compares the establishment of Islamic communities in Portugal and Ireland since the end of the 1950s. Whereas much of the literature focuses on cases such as France, Britain, Germany or the Netherlands, we know relatively little about the political accommodation of Islam outside these ´usual suspects´. This is problematic not only in terms of the representativeness of the comparative literature, but even more so because existing comparative accounts of

the accommodation of Muslim interests, on such issues as mosques building, education and prayer rooms, overemphasize the paradigmatic differences between countries that are otherwise also very different. This study employs a most similar case design and focuses on institutional differences between the most similar cases of Ireland and Portugal. Whereas the Irish institutional model is separatist in its core and unaccommodating towards religion in general, it is in practice a ´soft separatism´ that promotes religious diversity in the slipstream of a predominantly Catholic population. In Portugal, by contrast, the ´concordatarian´ model is more favorable towards religion, yet reinforces the predominance of the Catholic Church and inhibits, rather than strengthens religious diversity. 1 Source: http://www.doksinet 1. Introduction Islam is now the largest minority religious community in Europe. Since 1945, recurring migration waves, driven by economic needs and

political reconfigurations, have turned the overall stable European religious environment into a dynamic field. As migrants and State institutions faced quandaries and challenge in the dialogic issue of accommodation, perhaps no other religious community faced as significant a challenge as the Muslim community, here understood as a compound set of diverse subcommunities, segmented around religious orientation and national, ethnic and class belonging (i.e Sinno 2009; Nielsen 2004, 2009; Maréchal 2003; Cesari 2005) While it has been long and successfully argued that this challenge is not a function of any “Islamic incompatibility” with democratic governance (Cesari 2004, 2005, 2007; Nielsen et al. 2009; Ramadan 2004), it is also apparent that broader discussions regarding religious diversity have commonly coincided with arguments over policies pertaining directly to matters directly regarding Islamic practices and the lives of Muslim residents in European countries. Recent decisions

in Belgium and France on the prohibition of wearing Islamic garments – burqa and niqab - are deft illustrations of the preeminence of Islam within public discourse and policy on religious diversity (Fokkas et al 2007; Kepel 2004; Laurence 2006, 2009). As the emergence of a significant Muslim community became more significant, social scientific literature became alert to it. An enormous literature on Islam in Europe now exists, providing multidisciplinary insights into the process of accommodation of Islam in Europe. This phenomenon also occurred as secularization, the overarching process of reconfiguration of religion which elides frontiers between the public and private realm (Casanova 1994; Asad 2003), became increasingly prominent in European polities – thus posing relevant challenges to existing institutional structures for the management of religion, traditionally arranged and focused towards historically established patterns of religious affiliation. As the emergence of

religious diversity – inextricably linked to migration fluxes – and secularization went on concomitantly, those structures became a locus of discussion, because their importance for policy output was revealed as much higher than was widely acknowledged (Soper and Fetzer 2004, 2007; Minkenberg 2007; 2 Source: http://www.doksinet Soper and Monsma 1998; Madeley and Eniyedi 2003). Subsequently, a growing number of scholarly accounts discuss and reveal the importance of these institutional legacies, going so far as stating that these historically-inherited, path-dependent arrangements are one of the key – if not the key – explanatory factors of policy decisions and stances towards religious diversity in general and Islam in particular (Fetzer and Soper 2004, 2007; Tatari 2009). The onset of the 1990s became fertile ground for the growth in such arguments, as scholars tried to offer alternative explanations to culturalist accounts of an incoming clash of civilizations: the Rushdie

affair in Bradford – as well as the issuance of a fatwa in Tehran, in tandem with the first hijab controversy in France, marked the start of a discussion which perhaps had its high point in the threefold New York/Madrid/London terrorist attacks. An immense growth in public perceptions of Islam followed, more or less infused with populist-xenophobic themes, marking a concomitant growth in the literature on Islam in Europe, which widened its scope – both geographically and thematically. From the start, comparative and case-study works on the accommodation of Islam in Europe maintained a tacit agreement that relative and absolute size were the most important scope conditions in performing case selection procedures. As such, a cluster of “usual suspects” was per force selected – Germany, the Netherlands, Britain and France. These were countries where, by way of high migration influxes, the Muslim community was at the outset very significant. “Guestworker” schemes supported

economic migration without a semblance of sociopolitical accommodation (Hollifield 1992). Until relatively recently, these four countries encompassed most single-case and comparative research efforts (i.e Fetzer and Soper 2004, 2007; Koopmans et al 2005; Hunter 2002; Haddad 2002; Rath et al. 2001; Moodod et al 2003) While this focus on countries where the relative and absolute size of the Muslim community produced very impressive results, both theory- and policy-wise, it remains that the rationale for case selection overlooked important structural differences in several spheres. We point out three: • The national religious profiles of Germany, the Netherlands, Britain and France do not exhaust all possible types in Europe. As we argue below, countries like Portugal 3 Source: http://www.doksinet and Ireland are structurally different from all four “usual suspects”. Moreover, their structural comparability, politics and society-wise, is limited: confessional patterns,

religious diversity profiles, secularization processes and the interplay between religious and institutional structures are different from country to country. • Although the relative and absolute size of Muslim communities in all countries is marginally comparable, it still remains that there is too much variation with respect to class, national, ethnic and intra-religious diversity within communities. As such, pinpointing the explanatory factor of policies towards accommodation becomes difficult. • Moreover, this cluster is based on the assumption that the most relevant scope condition is the size of Muslim communities. However, there is no theoretical basis to exclude countries where religious diversity exists, but is still comparatively limited, since every country is historically equipped with institutions specifically suited for managing religion. 2. Case selection and comparative methodology An increasing number of countries beyond this traditional cluster has been

studied through single-case studies (Maussen 2007; Nielsen et al. 2009) We propose to explore two countries which nicely supplement the literature, filling some gaps and adding several insights to existing knowledge on the accommodation of Islam in Europe. Those national cases are Portugal and the Republic of Ireland, two peripheral small, monoconfessionally Catholic countries where Church-State relations are the single historically inherited institutional structures for the management of religion. Through a paired comparison, we will perform dual-process tracing in a paired comparison (Tarrow 2010) and keep within the “structured, focused” comparison suggested by Bennett and George (2005). By doing this, our analysis of the process of accommodation of Islam in Portugal and Ireland will shed light on an important issue. This is the black box linking what we argue to be the most important factor in explaining why stances and policies towards accommodation emerge in specific

countries. This explanatory factor is, in line with Soper and Fetzer’s suggestion, the institutional legacy of “models of Church-State relations”. Portugal and Ireland differ 4 Source: http://www.doksinet fundamentally at this level and we produce a qualitative account of the linkages between the explanatory factor and the outcome – substantive and comparative differences in level/status of accommodation of Islam. Above, we have suggested why Portugal and Ireland are eligible cases for a paired comparison research design in the field of Islam in Europe. First, they are structurally comparable. Both countries share similarities which, for example, Germany or the Netherlands do not. Demographically, these are small countries Portugal and Ireland are both unitary liberal democracies with high levels of governance centralization (Lijphart 1999). They are also increasingly bipartisan (Jalali 2007; Mair and Weeks 2004) and all political parties that held office since 1960 (in the

case of Portugal, 1976) have kept strategically close to religion and the Catholic Church. Interest group structures are similar (Murphy 2004; Siaroff 1999). Most importantly, however, are two dimensions which make a comparison between accommodation processes in Portugal and Ireland appropriate. On the one hand, religiosity and the role of the Catholic Church may be subsumed in a “socio-religious factors” category. On the other hand, societal features, such as immigration profiles, and institutional arrangements which define the political opportunity structure for the accommodation of Islam, namely the model of Church-State relations, as well as background features such as party system structure, may be subsumed in a “institutional features” category. Both dimensions exert an impact in the process of accommodation of Islam in Portugal and Ireland, especially in the stance taken by States towards Islam and subsequent policy decisions. This in turn exerts an impact in visible

effects of policies dealing with accommodation. As argued above, the most important factor in explaining the path taken by the process and the outcome is the legacy of institutionalized Church-State relations in a country, because it is historically the most appropriate institutional “toolset” for the management of religion. This is altogether more likely in monoconfessional countries such as Portugal and Ireland: as Catholicism is highly linked with national identities (Inglis 1998, 2007, Ferriter 2005; Mattoso 1985) and the Catholic Church has exerted an impactful role in Portuguese and Irish society well into the twenty-first century, the emergence of religious diversity has been faced, as a governance challenge, through the lens of preexisting institutions. Differentials in the flexibility and adaptability shown by those 5 Source: http://www.doksinet institutions explain, to a significant extent, differences in paths of accommodation and the present situation of Islam in

Portugal and the Republic of Ireland, which is the outcome of the process. The underlying assumption here is that pre-existing policies and institutions largely determine processes and outcomes (Pierson 2000, 2004); it is nevertheless important to acknowledge the importance of agency by Muslim communities and representatives, as Tatari (2009) and other scholars have noted (Nielsen 1992; Tiesler 2001, 2005, 2007; Vakil 2003a, 2003b, 2004). This study follows the structural argument proposed by Fetzer and Soper (2004, 2007), but we focus on process-tracing built around a rather more rigorous paired comparison. We isolate the models of Church-State relations as a crucial factor in explaining why the process of accommodation followed a specific path and advance a causal argument for the structure of present arrangements for provision of religious needs and representation of Muslims within the State. 3. Secularization, institutional change and religious diversity As the first decade of the

twenty-first century comes to a close, Portugal and Ireland remain exceptional within Europe in what concerns religion. Both countries have faced very slow processes of secularization, here understood in Martin (1978) and Dobbelaere’s (1981) sense. It is rather senseless to talk about “religious decline” in countries where religious belonging and subjective religiosity have held stable for most of the period when virtually all other West European countries faced a veritable privatization of religion and traditional religious denominations lost much of their formal support. This is a key factor to consider Religion qua social institution remained salient and credible in Portugal and Ireland throughout the emergence of religious diversity as a socially and politically relevant phenomenon, in the early 1990s. As such, religious communities in general were perceived as “service providers” (Davie 2007), making them valued groups in the public sphere. Moreover, the role of

Catholicism in the emergence of national Portuguese and Irish identities has entrenched religion in the identity politics of both countries. This interplay is consistent with the general perception among Muslims in Portugal that religion is held as a valuable and respected belief system, thus easing the arrival, establishment and accommodation of Islam 6 Source: http://www.doksinet (Tiesler 2001, 2005) and Ireland (Flynn 2006; Sakaranaho 2006; Scharbrodt 2009). As religion kept its social preeminence in both countries, it is a factor one may present as cross-nationally comparable. Portugal and Ireland faced a similar secularization process and the profile of migrants’ influx (chronologically and demographically) is also comparable. We therefore must add another layer to this discussion, in order to look into policy responses to the arrival of Islam and the establishment of Muslim communities in Portugal and Ireland. In our view, the position of the Catholic Church and its

relationship with the State – the national model of Church-State relations – explains both the process – how and why the accommodation of Islam went on as it did – and the outcome we aim to explain – extent and typology of provision of religious needs and representation towards Muslims. The social and political role of the Catholic Church, which has exerted an impact of comparable significance, if not comparable characteristics, is essential towards a clear description and interpretation of Portuguese and Irish policy responses to the emergence of religious diversity in the 1960-2010 timeframe. For the whole of the 20 th century, the Catholic Church has been the preeminent civil society actor in Portugal (Cruz and Guedes 2001; Dix 2010; Ferreira 2002) and Ireland (Whyte 1971; Inglis 1998, 2007). As an actor in policy decisions concerning religious diversity, its position is one of the defining features of the process of accommodation of Islam: without its support, we argue,

Muslim representatives would have faced a much harder challenge in order to achieve legitimacy and institutional representation; with its support – however conditional and limited – the entry of Muslims representatives into the political process was eased. However, there is major caveat to this: how the role of the Catholic Church is framed in the political process. The model of Church-State relations ultimately defines how a specific interest group interacts and bargains with the State, notwithstanding its historical significance and social relevance. Models of Church-State relations are first and foremost institutional legacies. As historically-inherited arrangements, these are the outcome of multi-century processes which institutionalized certain rules of engagement between the State and the Catholic Church. Throughout those path-dependent processes, the Catholic Church was allocated 7 Source: http://www.doksinet to various positions in political systems. In Portugal, the

preeminence of the Catholic Church predates the country as such (Mattoso 1995; Azevedo 2000). For the largest part of Portuguese history, it was fully recognized as the State religion – as most countries within the Latin-Catholic confessional divide in Europe (Madeley 2003), it maintained a close relationship with the Vatican, fully recognizing the Holy See’s preeminence in several spheres. Continued turmoil throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth century, most importantly the emergence of post-Westphalian politics – closely associated with the Marquês de Pombal, a kings minister, who embodied an altogether different concept of politics and the role of religion in political life – and the political turmoil which started in 1820, when the so-called “Liberal revolution” took place, thus materially and formally disenfranchising the Catholic Church (Cardim et al 1998; Ramos 2001). Until the watershed moment of the 1911 Republic Constitution, the Catholic Church faced

continuous institutional uncertainty and increasing costs related to institutional change, derived from a veritable breakdown in governance structures from the 1890 British Ultimatum on (Ramos 1998). Until the transition to an elitist and urban-centered Jacobin Republic, the Catholic Church kept a close grip on education and healthcare. This is, in our view, the most important legacy as far as the accommodation of Islam in Portugal is concerned. Although the subsequent 1911 radical disenfranchisement of the Catholic Church (itself a copy of the 1905 French law on the Separation of Church and State) established total separation and the closure of many facilities sponsored by it, later developments show that Jacobin purges were ineffective – as early as 1926, when a conservative coup determined the breakdown of the increasingly unstable republic regime, the Catholic Church established forceful lobbying structures and, in 1933, emerged successfully from the establishment of an

authoritarian regime which recognized the moral importance of Catholicism and the social and political significance of the largest interest group in the country. It has been argued that the model of ChurchState relations in the 1933-1974 authoritarian regime was a hybrid form of “concordatarian separatism” (Cruz 1997) which fully recognized the independence of the Catholic Church from State constraints. But the 1940 Concordat, which is the centerpiece of the model of Church-State relations that functioned as the institutional 8 Source: http://www.doksinet arrangement for management of religious diversity, is an effect of the 1911 disenfranchisement – the rationale for its signature was that of a compensatory agreement – and the recognition by the State that a social re-christianization was well under way (Dix 2010). From then on, until 1975, no amendments were made The transition to democracy in Portugal fully illustrates the point to which the Catholic Church entrenched

itself in the political process and the full extent of the reinforcing effect of the Concordat on the dominance of the Church. The April Revolution included what was then named a “Revolutionary Process Under Way” (Processo Revolucionário em Curso), dominated by the increasing prominence of the Portuguese Communist Party (Ferreira 2001). During that period, the Catholic Radio – Rádio Renascença – was occupied by workers. The bishops’ conference launched a full PR campaign in order to reestablish legitimacy, aligning the Church with the newly established democratic political process (Ferreira 2001; Santos 2005). The Concordat remained in place, with a single amendment to accommodate civil divorce. At this point, the Catholic Church remained highly relevant as a service provider – a key factor in explaining the outcome of accommodation processes. This is so because the State kept its selective cooperation partnership with the Catholic Church but downgraded its status as a

regime stalwart (Ferrari 2005) while the 1976 Constitution came into force, establishing full nonconfessionality in specific State instances, namely education and healthcare. This is significant: no public-private partnership was established in Portugal, and the Catholic Church acted, from then on, as a private actor. As the private owner of multiple educational and healthcare facilities, the Catholic Church kept most of its resources (Azevedo 2000; Cruz 1997; Dix 2010) and it is appropriate to state that, in the educational sector, it enjoyed a quasi-monopoly, which still holds today. Other religious communities did not enjoy such material historical advantages or the arrangements upheld by the Concordat which reinforced the exceptional status enjoyed by the Catholic Church in Portuguese politics. Recent developments, especially the 2001 Law on Religious Freedom and the 2009 regulation of the 2004 Concordat, which establishes an equal framework for the provision of religious needs of

minorities at State facilities (Decreto-Lei 253/2009), have significantly changed the institutional arrangement towards a more inclusive stance. 9 Source: http://www.doksinet The most important consequence of these momentous historical events was the institutionalization of a selective cooperation partnership with the most important religious interest group in Portugal. Historical institutionalist approaches suggest that these events produced positive feedback (Pierson 2004) and triggered a lock-in effect (Schickler 2001), increasing the costs of reversal for all actors. Thus, in order to replace or adapt the historically inherited “concordatarian” model, political actors, including State officials and religious community representatives, would face severe difficulties. In fact, we argue that the provision of religious needs and representation was a comparatively costlier institutional innovation in Portugal. Although the social status of religion and religious communities were

beneficial to religious communities, entry requirements into the political process were so high as to impede any consequent establishment of minority religious communities as service providers in any comparable sense to the Catholic Church. In conclusion, the current status and role of the Catholic Church is the consequence of a path-dependent process which enhanced its pool of resources and established a set of patterned interactions – our “model of Church-State relations” - that reinforced its preexisting advantages in a monoconfessional country. The Irish case is consistently different. As a polity, the Republic of Ireland is founded on a protracted struggle for independence (Ferriter 2004; O’Halpin 1999) against the British Empire, traceable at least to the end of the 18 th century. The conflation of Irish national identity with Catholicism is related to the role of the Anglican Church (O’Halpin 1999, Robbins 2008) in colonial politics. The idea of a “moral majority”,

in twentieth century Ireland, is genealogically linked with the merger between Catholicism and Republicanism (Inglis 1998). For more than 200 years, the Catholic Church was strictly associated with Irish nationalism in the territory under British rule (Whyte 1971; Kissane 2003). The parish system in Ireland was the locus of the moral and political sway held by Catholic clergy; additionally, virtually all healthcare and education facilities were governed under the patronage of Bishops and the Catholic ethos (Kissane 2003, Crotty 2006). This conjunction produced important effects in the institutional structure of pre-War of Independence Ireland. The Catholic Church, as a symbol of Irish identity and resistance against colonial rule, became even more embedded in Irish society as the clash between Unionists and Nationalists forced an increasing association 10 Source: http://www.doksinet between Catholicism and Irish identity (Crotty 2006; Ferriter 2005). As the 1919-1921 War of

Independence went on, the Catholic Church retained most of its resources and institutional embeddedness (Coakley 2004). The 1922 Anglo-Irish treaty is the origin of modern Irish politics, as the party system is structured around the debate on its acceptance – Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, the two largest and most significant parties, are both right-of-center and have espoused, since their inception, a proximate version of Christian-democracy (Mair and Weeks 2004), recognizing the influence of Catholic doctrines on social policy. The 1922-1937 period, which set the stage to modern democratic politics in the Republic of Ireland, was marked by further entrenchment of Catholic influence, to the extent where the governance of education was fully under control of the Catholic Church and all policymakers espoused traditionalist policy programmes (Crotty 2006, Ferriter 2005, Kissane 2003). The 1937 is the apex of Catholic influence in Ireland (Kissane 2003), insofar as it establishes a

preferential partnership between the State and the Catholic Church. Recognizing the overwhelming popular affiliation – extended to all political actors and organizations, apart from the Church of Ireland – in the Catholic Church, lawmakers refer to the “Holy Trinity” and “our Divine Lord, Jesus Christ” (1937 Constitution of Ireland, Preamble). Most importantly, the Catholic Church was assigned a special position (Article 44.12), apart from other recognized communities (also mentioned in the Constitution, as a marker of social and political appreciation towards religious communities). However, the 1937 Constitution was institutionally innovative in that, while fully recognizing the “special position” of the Catholic Church, established formal separation between State and religion. All public-private partnerships, namely in education and health, were left intact, as those policy subsystems were unattended by specific State provision, instead depending on resource

transfers to denominational governance structures (Kissane 2003; Crotty 2006; Ferriter 2005) Therefore, while the State depended on the Catholic Church as a service provider and the Constitution ascribed a “special status” to it, as well as recognizing the salient social role of other religious communities, it did not establish substantive benefits to any given religious community, instead arguing for what we label “soft separatism”, which amounts to a “model of Church-State relations” which recognizes the importance of religious communities, effectively including them in the provision of public goods, without acknowledging formal benefits, whether in the 11 Source: http://www.doksinet shape of resources or by easing access to policy decisions, as was the case in Portugal. Therefore, we conclude that, already in 1937, a “soft separatist” model was established, in the wake of an enhanced social salience of religious communities. The “special status” of the

Catholic Church did not endow it with additional advantages, making the institutional arrangement much more adaptable to contextual change. As religious diversity emerged in Ireland, a decade after World War II, the Irish State was well equipped to deal with specific challenges related to an increase in the number of religious communities and experiences because the model of Church-State relations included several caveats which eased legitimation by newcomers and entry into the policy process. In 1972, when the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution removed article 44.12 and 4413, the soft separatist model enforced in Ireland further equalized opportunities for religious communities. The Catholic Church was no longer formally accorded a “special status”, as it was held that such a status clashed with separation between State and religion (Ciciora 2009; Chubb 1982); while the Catholic Church continued to hold its role as the most important interest group and service provider in the

country, the Irish model of Church-State relations was layered in order to accommodate separatism and the emergence of religious diversity. Until the late 1990s, subsequent developments in the relationship between the Catholic Church, the Irish State and the political process continued to be framed around the notion of a “moral majority” (Inglis 1998, 2007) and the moral sway held by the Catholic clergy on the Irish population, but there is growing consensus that the social influence of the Church started its decline in 1972. Nevertheless, it is evident from further developments, especially in referenda concerning abortion (1983) and divorce (1986 and 1996), that the Catholic Church remains an influential interest group, keeping close relations with Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil, as well as TDs (Members of the Parliament) in both chambers. Recent developments have effectively changed the patterns of interaction between the State and religion in Portugal and Ireland. As these directly

concern Islam and Muslim representatives, we discuss them below. The technique we employ, dual-process tracing couples with a paired-comparison approach, reveals that the model of Church-State relations differs significantly between Portugal and Ireland. Whereas the Portuguese 12 Source: http://www.doksinet model institutionalized a selective cooperation partnership with the Catholic Church, reinforcing its historical advantages and inherited resources, the Irish one established a soft version of separatism which institutionalized religious communities as privileged State partners. As a consequence, the Portuguese model constrained options available to actors as religious diversity emerged as a relevant contextual change, while the Irish model was sufficiently flexible as to enable gradual change at lower cost, since religious communities faced lower requirements in order to enter the political process and gain access to key resources. The governance challenges posed by religious

diversity were effectively key tests to the institutional resilience of models of Church-State relations in Portugal and Ireland. The accommodation of Islam is important in this regard, as it illustrates the specificities of each institutional arrangement. 4. Organization of Islam in Portugal and Ireland Religious diversity as a social phenomenon emerged late in modern Portugal (Bastos 2004; Vilaça 2006; Tiesler 2005) and Ireland (Flynn 2006; Ryan 1996, Mac Éinri 2007). It is a result of post-World War II migration, especially later-stage (1980s-early 1990s) influxes. The arrival of first-generation Muslims both countries predates the emergence of religious diversity as a broad phenomenon: towards the end of the 1950s, Muslim students started enrolling in Portuguese and Irish educational facilities. The former were mainly of middle-class Mozambican origin (Tiesler 2000, 2005, 2007; Vakil 2004, 2006), while the latter were mainly South-African (Flynn 2006; Sakaranho 2006). Jonathan

Laurence asserts that the arrival of Islam in Europe operates along two main lines: as a form of “embassy Islam”, supported by diplomatic staff from Muslimmajority countries, or “student Islam”, supported by the efforts of individuals with high cultural capital (2006; 2009). There is ample evidence of the arrival of Islam in Portugal as a form of “embassy Islam”, through the support of Egyptian and Pakistani ambassadors to Lisbon (O Islão 1978a, 1978b, 1979), which provided not only economic resources but also supported transnational contacts between the nascent Islamic Community in Lisbon (ICL) and governments abroad. The mosque-building process (1968-1985), which took up most of 13 Source: http://www.doksinet ICL representatives’ efforts at State contact and partnership-building, reveals that the authoritarian governance structure, coupled with the concordatarian model’s lack of flexibility, presented an insurmountable challenge to the consolidation and

diversification of Muslim communities in Portugal (Bernardo 2010; Machaqueiro 2007; Tiesler 2005). Founded as far back as 1968, the ICL is the sole representative of Islam in State-sponsored bodies. As an institution, it quickly established itself as the most important representative of Muslim residents in Portugal (Bernardo 2010; Tiesler 2001, 2005; Vakil 2004, 2006). Islam in Portugal is unique in Europe for three main reasons There is a comparatively high share of Shi’a Ismaili believers (accounting for the strong public role of the Aga Khan foundation); as a result of decolonization from 1975 on, a significant number of Muslim residents were native Portuguese-speakers with high levels of social and cultural capital; changing migration patterns have altered intracommunity composition to a point where an increasing share of Muslim residents in Portugal are of south-asian and west-African origin and have lower levels of social and cultural capital (Mapril 2008). This transition from

low intracommunity diversity to a situation of high diversity furthers the need for research which transcends traditional elite/grass-roots dichotomies while exploring how such changes impact Muslim communities in Portugal. The increase in numbers across less than three decades illustrates a very quick transition. The representation of Muslims in Portuguese State venues is at present limited to individuals appointed within ICL hierarchy and political incumbents have not held any form of structured dialogue with any other representatives of Muslim residents in Portugal. While there is now research showing that a thriving community life operates beneath elite organizations, higher-level associational patterns are less diverse in Portugal than in Ireland. As political process entry requirements are comparatively high – because the model of Church-State relations in Portugal establishes a “selective cooperation partnership” framework (Ferrari 2005) which effectively puts minority

religious communities at disadvantage – ICL, as the oldest community organization in Portugal, was the only stakeholder with sufficient resources to gain access to representation. The Royal College of Surgeons was a key venue in the arrival of Islam in Ireland, in the 14 Source: http://www.doksinet late 1950s. In 1959, it circumvented the prohibition of prayer halls within campus facilities in order to accommodate newly enrolled Muslim students (Sakaranaho 2006; FOSISI 2009) and thereby established an institutional practice which extended to other State venues and facilities. The Dublin Islamic Society was formed by Muslim students endeavoring for a forum where they and their peers could develop an aid structure to other students (Sakaranaho 2006; Flynn 2006; Scharbrodt 2009). The Society served as a basis for the first Islamic Center in Dublin, opened in 1976 (IFI s.d) The creation of an Islamic Foundation of Ireland (IFI) ensued. Its constitution holds that all Muslims in

Ireland enjoy honorary membership (IFI Constitution: 1). As a community where a low number of members possess national citizenship, Muslims in Ireland withstood a larger increase in numbers: in 2006, 32 500 acknowledged their religious confession as Islam in the national census, but the number may now be reaching some 50 to 60 000 individuals. As the history of Islam in Ireland progressed, the IFI was to face the emergence of the Islamic Cultural Centre of Ireland (ICCI), a wide-ranging association, linked with the Dubai-based al-Maktoum Foundation. The interplay between the IFI and the ICCI is an apt illustration of the dynamics of Muslim communities in Ireland. From the beginning, there was no significant ethnic or national group within the community; if anything, there was a prevalence of middle-class professionals (Flynn 2006; Sakaranaho 2006), a feature closely related to the characterization of Islam in Ireland as “student Islam”. Effectively, while the ICL enjoyed the

support of diplomatic staff and transnational links, the Dublin Islamic Society and the Islamic Foundation of Ireland were largely grass-roots efforts, unlike the Islamic Cultural Centre of Ireland, a transnational initiative (Sakaranaho 2006). The grass-roots character of these initiatives was aided by the inclusive character of the model of Church-State relations in Ireland and the salience of religion and religious communities in the country. As a charity, the IFI registered as a Friendly Society and was eventually able to open a national school (Flynn 2006; Nesbitt 1990; Walshe 1990), establishing itself as a State partner. Differences between the IFI and the ICL are clear: entry requirements were less costly in Ireland and opportunities for the participation of the IFI in provision of services were more stable and more frequent. Claims on a purported ethnic divide within the Irish Muslim community stated that the 15 Source: http://www.doksinet IFI and the ICCI supported

different groups, there is no ample evidence of such cleavage. There is, however, evidence that a shift in power distribution between the IFI and the ICCI. The former had been a patron of both Muslim national schools in Dublin until 2001, enjoying wide access to official venues. From 2001 on, the ICCI gained increasing political leverage (Sakaranaho 2006). As consultations with the State on abortion make clear, the ICCI’s Sheikh was perceived as the foremost representative of Muslim residents in Ireland (All-Party Oireachtas Committee on the Constitution, 2002; Selim 2007, 2008a, 2008b). The recent controversy on the Irish Blashpemy Act also illustrated the increasing dominance of the ICCI in the Irish public sphere, as its representatives were called to offer their take on the bill. At a higher-level, Islam in Ireland is currently highly segmented and dynamic. In 2006, the Irish Council of Imams was founded as an initiative encompassing all tendencies and sectors within the Irish

Muslim community: all fourteen recognized imams in Ireland participate in its activities, marking a step forward in institutional development (Reilly 2009). Taking a cue from its foundational moment, the Irish Muslim community is also highly active within universities. Higher education institutions in Ireland have traditionally promoted and supported students’ associations. As a result, all major public universities in the country hold Student Islamic Societies, an institutional form inherited from the United Kingdom. These Societies are coordinated by the Irish branch of the Federation of Student Islamic Societies. The significance of these societies is not to be understated: Mary McAleese, current President of Ireland, has attended the 2010 Islamic Awareness Week, an increasingly popular event held within higher education facilities across Dublin; moreover, Student Islamic Societies illustrate the continuing significance of education in the Irish Muslim community. What this brief

comparison shows is twofold. First, the accommodation of Islam in Portugal, because the historical process which established the existing model of ChurchState relations led to an outcome where minority religious communities did not enjoy any of the advantages already accorded to the Catholic Church, was comparatively harder than in Ireland. Second, the model of Church-State relations, as an institutional legacy which frames the emergence of religious diversity in Portugal and Ireland, explains the specific position of Muslim communities in both countries at the moment 16 Source: http://www.doksinet of their arrival and as they emerged in the public sphere as stakeholders. Below, we detail recent developments which substantiate our structural argument: the accommodation of Islam in Portugal and Ireland is largely defined by existing institutional arrangements and their changing configurations. Let us build on that The building of the Lisbon Central Mosque is a case in hand: informal

negotiations with the Lisbon City Council started in 1968 and the whole process lasted 17 years. The 1976 constitution guaranteed full separation between State and religion, asserting that the State would provide for all social needs – precluding access by religious communities to resources such as State funding and channels for official dialogue. The selective cooperation partnership between the State and the Catholic Church filled the space for religious stakeholders in the political process. The Irish model kept entry requirements at a lower cost for newcomers – minority religious communities simply had to register as charities and enjoy formally equal status, if not equal resources or political influence, with the Catholic Church. This has been beneficial to the Muslim community in Ireland, which has moved on from being a largely secondary minority religious community to the largest non-Christian religious minority in Ireland, enjoying an enhanced status in the public sphere.

5. Political accommodation Representation The year of 2001 is a watershed year for Islam in Portugal. September 11 marked a significant rise in public interest towards Islam and Muslims, including perceived Islamophobic attacks (Vakil 2004, 2006; Tiesler 2005). At the same time, the approval and entry into force of the Law on Religious Freedom changed the distribution of power within the institutional arrangement we hold as causally determining the accommodation of Islam in Portugal. Through the analysis of that amendment to the model of Church-State relations, we discuss how representation for Islam has been established at two venues: the Commission for Religious Freedom and the Commission for Broadcast Time for Religious Communities. The 2001 Law on Freedom of Religion set the stage for a new institutional environment 17 Source: http://www.doksinet where increasing opportunities were accorded to religious communities. It is important to assert that Islam had already been an object

of discussions at parliamentary level, specifically concerning a burial site in Lisbon. As a well-connected community, ICL and its first president, Suleyman Valy Mamede (himself a former MP who headed the first post-revolutionary news agency in Portugal), were able to access important resources and political actors (Mamede 1990; Vakil 2004). This explains not only the ability to sustain protracted negotiations around the Lisbon Central Mosque but also the conjunction of ICL with all eligible seats for Muslim representatives at State venues. The Commission for Religious Freedom, founded as a consequence of the entry into force of the above mentioned Bill, is the most important innovation devised by policymakers within the existing institutional arrangement. It effectively changed the balance of power inscribed within the model of Church-State relations without completely offsetting the Catholic Church dominance. The State refrained from withdrawing its specific benefits, arguing for the

special position of Catholicism as the most representative religion in Portugal, as well as respect for due process, since the Concordat remained in force. A holistic assessment of the effect of this institution, however, leads us to assert that it started a process of institutional change which is still going on, as the Church tried to assert itself as a key actor in interfaith dialogue, distributing its considerable resources as it saw fit. Muslim representatives participated in the inception of the Commission, but one should acknowledge the monopoly of ICLs officials in this process. The institutionalization of a Registry for Religious Associations is connected with the primacy of the ICL as the sole representative of Muslim residents in Portugal: the Law does not recognize communities with less than 30 years presence in Portugal. This poses insurmountable difficulties to all other Muslim communities in Portugal, apart from resource scarcity. The case of the Commission for Broadcast

Time of Religious Confesssions (Comissão para o Tempo de Antena das Confissões Religiosas) illustrates how the model of Church-State relations directly affected access by religious communities, specifically Islam, to public broadcast media, a key asset in accommodation processes (Maréchal 2003). It derives directly from the entry into force of the Law on Religious Freedom Initial talks towards the establishment of clear procedures regulating the coordination of 18 Source: http://www.doksinet all religious communities in the broadcast timeslot ascribed to them. It marked the first structured instance – a State venue, incidentally – where all religious communities maintained contact (Stilwell 2009). Muslim representatives were ICL officials recognizing the institutional significance of the forum and the importance of gaining access to the key asset of media exposure. These developments mark an important departure from the monolithic religious landscape in Portuguese media.

They resulted in periodic shows in one of two public television stations, where several presenters, mainly related to the ICL, explored the themes of Islam, Islamic religiosity and Muslims in Portugal. Two institutional innovations illustrate the changing dynamics of the accommodation of religious diversity and how it relates to the existing model of Church-State relations. These reconfigurations accommodated Muslim representatives in State committees; regardless of its direct effect on societal integration or acceptance of difference, it remains that after 2001, Islam as a religious community had increased its presence at State venues. Over the next decade, the accommodation of Islam suffered an institutional overhaul of significant proportions. Until the 2000s, representation at State venues was limited to official ceremonies and ad hoc consultations. From 2001 on and across policy fields, there is evidence of an effort to accommodate Muslim representatives in several structures

aimed at improving the management of religious diversity. The case in Ireland is more nuanced. As argued, the need for institutional innovation was lower than in Portugal: the model of Church-State relations was more adaptable to contextual change because it did not formalize a specific selective cooperation partnership nor did it exclude religious communities as partners in the provision of public services. The soft separatist system would therefore present more opportunities for representation. The first and foremost instance where the effects of the unique Irish model of ChurchState relations in the representation of Islam is the education system. Whereas in Portugal public education facilities are strictly State-managed, Ireland has kept a unique pattern of public-private partnerships which accords religious communities a dominant 19 Source: http://www.doksinet role in primary and secondary education (Ferriter 2004; Whyte 1971). The specific institutional mechanism that

transfers management responsibilities to religious communities is the “patronage system”. All national schools (Irish primary schools) must be under the patronage of an individual who heads the managing body: the Dublin archbishop has traditionally held a monopoly in patronage responsibilities across Ireland (OGorman 2009; Warren 2001). Through patronage, religious communities may access State funding and must enact State-approved curricula. In return, the State allows each community to promote a specific ethos (Equal Status Act 2004). The exemption afforded to community-managed schools is also important in that it protects the overall moral and educational outlook of religious communities: governance boards at national schools may refuse students on the basis of their incompatibility with the schools religious ethos (id, ibid.) This exception has been protected at EU level, as the Irish State continues to promote its partnership with religious communities. The Catholic Church has

historically kept a tight grip on educational affairs and policy through patronage, but the mechanism has effectively opened up opportunities for the emergence of several religious communities as educational service providers. The opening of the first Muslim national school, in 1990, under the patronage of IFIs president, Imam Yahya al-Hussein, is relevant in the sense that Muslims gained access to representation and resources through an opportunity created by the legacy of community-driven education in Ireland. As religious communities are traditionally perceived to be interested in education as a driver of community cohesion and values, Muslim schools have been welcomed into the overall educational landscape. In 2001, the second Muslim national school opened in North Dublin. While controversy ensued, related to mismanagement accusations, it nevertheless remains that Muslims in Ireland benefited from a comparatively higher openness towards the participation and representation of

religious communities. The Islamic Board of Education, a subsidiary body within the Islamic Foundation of Ireland, is fully accredited and hold regular talks with the Department of Education and Science. In 2010, Islam was one of three religious communities (along with the Catholic Church and the Church of Ireland) invested in public-private partnerships. As the Irish government introduced another institutional innovation, in the form of a structured dialogue with churches and faith 20 Source: http://www.doksinet groups (Office of the Taoiseach 2007, 2008), Islam became the largest non-Christian represented religious community at State venues. Parliamentary discussions and AllParty Committee records reveal that Muslim communities are held as important State partners and Taoiseachs Bertie Ahern and Brian Cowen have maintained ongoing dialogue with both Yahya al-Hussein and Hussein Halawa, sheikh of the Islamic Cultural Centre of Ireland. In comparison to Portugal, the Irish model of

Church-State relations has changed to a lesser extent. Institutional change always comprises costs to stakeholders and is neither linear nor automatic; contextual pressure forced the State to enact increasingly deep institutional changes in order to accommodate religious diversity – especially Islam, as Muslims make up the largest non-Christian minority in the country – as existing governance structures were gradually perceived as insufficient or lacking in effectiveness towards managing a socio-religious environment which changed at too fast a pace for the institutional capacity and structure of the concordatarian model of Church-State relations. Conversely, the more flexible Irish model came to impose lower costs for all actors, as it required fewer adjustments in order to accommodate Islam and provide for representation of Muslims. The Catholic Church was not formally provided with exceptional benefits – as it was already recognized as a dominant social actor which substituted

the State in several policy systems, namely education and health. Institutional structures were fit to absorb the impact of contextual pressure and readjusted to increased diversity simply by multiplying access points – education is the prime example of this adjustment. State facilities Since 2001, the comparative representation of Islam at State venues in Portugal and Ireland results in a much more balanced account than in preceding years. We argue that the need for institutional change in Ireland was lower than in Portugal, where representation was much more limited. From 2001 on, the model of Church-State relations in Portugal suffered several modifications specifically shaped towards a more inclusive and representative institutional arrangement. In Ireland, the overall adaptability of the existing arrangement already guaranteed access points for 21 Source: http://www.doksinet representation, and religious communities were perceived as important State partners in the provision

of social needs, hence the institutionalization of a structured dialogue which formalized ongoing exchanges. Discussing the provision of religious needs of Muslims at State facilities in Portugal and Ireland further builds on differences between each model of Church-State relations. While State structures in Portugal have recently begun a reconfiguration of existing institutional arrangements, in order to accommodate the emergence and growth of religious diversity, cross-case differences regarding the issue of provision of religious needs at State facilities are much deeper. In Ireland, because of the existing soft separatist model, which operated alongside Catholic Church dominance within State facilities, and the continued salience of religion in Irish society, State facilities accommodated religious needs from early on. In Portugal, where State and Church are entirely separate structures – thus allowing for selective cooperation partnership agreements such as the Concordat -, as

attested by the 1976 Constitution, the accommodation of religious communities at State facilities has been more difficult because religion as a belief-system has enjoyed scarce opportunities. This explains why there are many instances of provision of religious needs in Irish education and healthcare, whereas in Portugal there are few. Since the Catholic Church was a historically foundational actor in both service sectors, we argue that both instances are sensitive to the structural properties of State-religion relations and its changes over time: in Portugal and Ireland, there are many examples of the embeddedness of religion in education and health-care. Trust in the Catholic Church has perceivably depended on its dominance over education and health-care systems. The existence of Islamic prayer halls at higher education and health-care facilities illustrates how the accommodation of Islam is constrained by the historically inherited legacy of Church-State relations. Prayer halls in

higher education facilities In Portugal, apart from the Catholic University, there is no higher-level educational 22 Source: http://www.doksinet institution providing for its students religious needs; the Catholic University itself maintains a single Catholic chapel. The Catholic Church dominance in education was felt especially in higher education. Until the nineteenth century, all public higher education institutions were governed under Catholic principles. The resurgence of anticlericalism in 1911 was pointed especially at universities, from which all religious references were purged. Even as the authoritarian regime asserted the preeminence of Catholicism in Portugal, there were no efforts towards the promotion of a reaccommodation of religion by public universities. As a result, the Concordat included references to the establishment of a Catholic University, but the public university system is devoid of specific prayer spaces. Islamic prayer halls are inexistent in Portuguese

universities and have been so for the entire duration of the modern Portuguese university system. Throughout the 1950s, Muslim students went to Lisbon in order to study for a degree - as Tiesler (2005) states, the first phase of the New Islamic Presence in Portugal was made up of college students and we have stated that "Embassy Islam" (Laurence 2006, 2009) is an apt characterization of the 1950s establishment process. Therefore, this should be put in direct contrast to the Irish reality. As we have stated, quantitative differences in absolute prayer hall numbers may well be residual, but that is not so at this level, offering further evidence that the accommodation of Islam in Portugal and Ireland has depended also on the class background and cultural capital of Muslims and not only on the institutional features we discuss here. In Ireland, all public universities accommodate at least multiconfessional prayer halls. Contrarily to Portugal, the Catholic Church successfully

asserted its claim on preeminence on higher education; the establishment of the Trinity College and its dispute with the National University of Ireland is linked to the emergence of Catholicism in later nineteenth century Ireland and the struggle for Irish independence. As such, opportunities for the establishment of non-Catholic prayer spaces in Irish universities are a function of the continued preeminence of the Catholic Church in educational governance. This explains why, as early as 1959, the Royal College of Surgeons accommodated the religious needs of a limited number of South-African 23 Source: http://www.doksinet Muslim students. The largest institutions, namely the National University of Ireland, the Trinity College Dublin and Dublin City University, actively provide for the need of its Muslim students. It is important to recall that the story of Muslim associative life in Ireland began at a constituent college of the National University of Ireland, the Royal College of

Surgeons - “student Islam” being a marker of high cultural and social capital. The prevalence of Muslim students in medical studies is notable (Sakaranaho 2006). Recently, the Royal College of Surgeons announced plans to build bathrooms oriented towards Mecca (The Independent 2009), while making clear that the decision was made after pondering on the needs of the Colleges student population as a whole and not because of external pressure. This openness has extended towards the creation of transnational efforts tying the Royal College of Surgeons to Muslim-majority countries, namely Bahrain and Dubai. Concerning health-care, an interesting contrast between Portugal and Ireland emerges. Although there is evidence that in the 1950s a number of Muslim students went to Portugal in order to attain higher-education degrees in a variety of disciplines, including medical studies, the presence of Muslim doctors in the Portuguese health-care system is hardly mentioned in the public sphere, if

at all; the lack of data on the negotiation and accommodation of religious beliefs and identities also precludes, for the moment, further investigation. Until 2009, all hospitals in Portugal accommodated a paid Catholic chaplain and a Catholic chapel. The 1940 Concordat was renewed in 2004 Most importantly, subsequent regulations in 2009 established clear rules tending for the provision of religious needs of minorities in State facilities. As a consequence, all future health-care facilities will include multiconfessional prayer halls and all existing facilities must accommodate religious minorities within their premises. Exceptions continue to be held by the Catholic Church. Moreover, religious ministers will be offered support by healthcare administrations, where patients needs deem it necessary The enactment of the new piece of legislation has resulted in reinforced multifaith dynamics. One the one hand, 24 Source: http://www.doksinet the Catholic Church offered a course on

health-care chaplaincy to ministers of all faiths. On the other, one major hospital in Porto has recently opened the first multiconfessional prayer hall in a State premise. While no Islamic prayer hall has been built, as of yet, Muslim representatives attended the chaplaincy course and were consulted on the building of the multifaith prayer hall. In Ireland, accommodation efforts at health-care facilities are traceable to the Royal College of Surgeons, in 1959. As the very first site where religious needs of Muslims were provided for, its relations with the Muslim world, as well as the accommodation of its community of Muslims students, are an exceptional example of the dynamics of accommodation at health-care facilities in Ireland. At least three more hospitals under the administration of the Health Service Executive provide Islamic prayer rooms to students and staff. The most relevant case, in this regard, is Beaumont hospital, in Dublin. In 2006, it was reported that Muslim students

filed a complaint to the Irish Medical Association, stating that there were no proper garments provided in surgery rooms, given that hijabs were forbidden. As such, the hospital administration started providing disposable headscarves, thus accommodating the needs of Muslim students. As the accommodation of Islam in healthcare is an ongoing process, this illustrates how policies towards accommodation derive from the configuration of the model of ChurchState relations. 25 Source: http://www.doksinet 6. Conclusions We have argued in this study that historical legacies determine, to a large extent, why the accommodation of Islam is different across Portugal and Ireland. While structural differences remain, our dual process tracing shows that the link between the historical development of each model of Church-State relations not only explains how but also why Muslim communities have been accorded differential opportunities in each country. While the Portuguese institutional arrangement

has been described in the literature as a “separatist concordatarian”/”concordatarian” model, since the Concordat is the center of gravity of the institutional arrangement, it is first and foremost a selective cooperation partnership which formally recognizes the primacy of the Catholic Church in Portuguese history, society and politics. The Irish institutional arrangement has been characterized as “separatist”, but it has long been argued that encompassing Ireland within the same category as France render the whole category irrelevant. We propose a compromise, naming it “soft separatism”, but recognize its limitations. The Irish State does not formally recognize the primacy of any given religion, but to all collective actors striving to achieve legitimacy and representation within its structures through religious identities. Therefore, the main difference between models is the status of the Catholic Church, itself a product of preexisting anticlerical policies.

Anticlericalism has punctuated Portuguese history for the last 300 years. The role of the Catholic Church was regularly put into question and it was stripped of its resources by the State for at least two occasions. These occasions have triggered compensation events, where the State entered into an agreement for the return of confiscated property and political benefits. But one of the intended consequences of these occasions was the gradual withdrawing of religion from State premises and public services. As the authoritarian regime came into force, Catholicism was institutionalized as a moral pillar; crucially, key services, such as health and education, were not themselves managed through public-private partnership which made the Church a State contractor. At the same time, Muslims arrived in Portugal and managed to harness the support of diplomatic staff from Muslim-majority countries in order to establish prayer rooms and 26 Source: http://www.doksinet an association. As the

authoritarian regime broke down and the 1976 Constitution came into force, lawmakers asserted the non-confessionality of the Portuguese State but did not revoke the Concordat. Therefore, a non-confessional State remained bound to a selective cooperation partnership with a private actor which kept most of its resources and political influence. This limited opportunities for religious communities, either regarding representation or provision of religious needs. The Catholic Church held a unique and non-extensible role in the political process. Above, we have discussed recent developments which have opened representation and provision access points to Muslims. The Irish case differs, at the outset, because anticlericalism emerged late in the 20 th century. As such, it had no specific influence in the establishment of the institutional legacy that framed the accommodation of Islam in Ireland. While the 1937 Constitution recognized the “special position” of the Catholic Church, it did

not accord a unique and non-extensible status to it. The Irish State was highly dependent on its services and established a series of public-private partnerships which ensured that religious communities were to be perceived as valuable service providers. As Irish society was highly defined by its relationship with religion, religious communities were able to profit from this preexisting institutional openness. In 1972, the removal of the constitutional reference to the “special position” of the Catholic Church further equalized opportunities for all religious communities: the Church remained very powerful, but had no additional benefits. The establishment of Muslimsponsored schools, as well as the establishment of prayer halls in higher education facilities and several hospitals, show that the symbiotic relationship between the State and the Church actually benefited religious communities. Crucially, there had been no historical instances where State and Church were forcefully

separated, thereby voiding State structures of space for the accommodation of religion. This, in tandem with the recognition of religion as a valuable belief-system, allowed Muslims in Ireland to enjoy several advantages: our discussion on the Royal College of Surgeons, the establishment of prayer halls in universities and hospitals, and representation through the management of national schools. 27 Source: http://www.doksinet The picture that emerges from this paired comparison is clear. The most important explanatory factor in the accommodation of Islam in Portugal and Ireland is the model of Church-State relations. The “soft separatist” model enjoys several adaptive advantages over its “concordatarian” counterpart. The most important one that it is less context-sensitive: it did not come under strain as Islam arrived and reacted efficiently to the emergence of a new governance challenge. It also recognizes the importance of religion as a belief-system and religious

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