Sports | Martial arts » Experiences of Children in Martial Arts

Source: http://www.doksinet European Journal for Sport and Society 2009, 6 (1), 19-35 Experiences of children in martial arts Marc Theeboom, Paul De Knop and Jikkemien Vertonghen Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium Abstract: Contrasting images seem to appear regarding the effect of martial arts involvement in general and with regard to youth in particular. On the one hand, there are several reports referring to medical and moral concerns with a focus on assumed negative effects to personal and social well-being. On the other hand, there is a common belief that martial arts practice is associated with positive socio-psychological outcomes. To date, conclusive evidence regarding the effect of martial arts remains scarce, as not all research findings point in the same direction In addition, little is known about the way children experience their martial arts involvement Through the use of a qualitative research methodology, 40 children between the age of eight and twelve years in five

different martial arts were interviewed in-depth regarding their experiences and views on participation motives, training, competition and behaviour. In general, findings seem to support the relationship between martial arts practice and positive socio-psychological responses. It is concluded that analysing the experiences of children in martial arts should take different approaches of martial arts practice into account. Keywords: martial arts, children, experiences, interviews. Martial arts In recent decades, the practice of martial arts has become more popular in many Western countries. Also, the variety of forms and styles of martial arts that are practised has increased over the years. Next to indigenous fighting sports (eg boxing, wrestling and fencing) that have been practised in Europe for a long time, other systems (e.g judo, jiu-jitsu and karate) found their way from Far-East Asia to the West in later times (Skidmore, 1991). According to van Bottenburg (1994), the popularity

of Asian martial arts in the West has resulted for a number of reasons, such as the growing economic power and international prestige of Japan and, to a lesser extent, of other East-Asian countries. Also, the post-war stationing of American and European troops in Japan and South Korea, as well as the emigration of Asians to the United States and Europe, contributed to the spread of Asian martial arts to the West. Gradually, fighting systems from other parts of the world, too, found their way to the West (e.g Brazilian Capoeira) Classification of martial arts The introduction of numerous schools and styles of fighting systems over recent decades has made it less than straight forward to refer to martial arts as a unitary phenomenon. A number of classification systems can be found For example, martial arts are Source: http://www.doksinet 20 Marc Theeboom, Paul De Knop and Jikkemien Vertonghen divided according to technical characteristics such as “hard” versus “soft”, or

“striking” versus “grappling” styles (Donohue & Taylor, 1994). Another system is based on cultural or geographical criteria, such as “Asian” (“Oriental”) versus “Western” martial arts (Draeger & Smith, 1975). Although according to some authors, Asian styles are regarded as more refined because of their inherent philosophical and spiritual foundations (e.g Cynarski & Litwiniuk, 2006; Hsu, 1986), others see no real differences (Donohue & Taylor, 1994) Yet another way of categorizing martial arts refers to differences in basic philosophies, aims and methods that are used, sometimes even within the same styles. For example, as a result of modernization and internationalization, several Asian martial arts have undergone distinct changes which have resulted in the occurrence of a “traditional” and a “modern” version (e.g judo: Villamon et al, 2004; karate: Tan, 2004; wushu: Theeboom & De Knop, 1997). This “sportization” process has been

criticized by some as it is believed to restrict the intrinsic value of Asian martial arts (i.e, a unity between physical, philosophical and spiritual aspects) (Förster, 1986). A number of authors have even described an evolution beyond the sportization process towards increasingly harder variations or types of martial arts. This trend, referred to as a “brutalization” or “decivilization” (Förster, 1986) or “desportization” (van Bottenburg & Heilbron, 2006), entails an evolution towards more efficient fighting styles, often combining a variety of potentially dangerous techniques from various systems resulting in so-called “mixed martial arts” fighting contests. Youth and martial arts Several data demonstrate the popularity of martial arts in European countries. For example, martial arts have been ranked tenth on a list of the most practised sporting activities among 15+ year-olds in the European Union (European Commission, 1999) and are reported to be among the

ten most practised sports in a club context (van Bottenburg et al., 2005) International comparative studies have also indicated that martial arts are popular among young people. In various European countries, they are among the most popular extracurricular sports practised by 10 to 15 year-olds (Clearing House, 1997; De Knop et al., 1996) Participation data from the Netherlands have even shown that the mean age of those involved in martial arts was lower than in most other sports (van den Heuvel & van der Werff, 1998). It is interesting to note that martial arts bring about mixed feelings among many people. The literature reports a variety of studies and reviews focusing on either negative or positive outcomes of martial arts involvement in general and with regard to youth in particular. On the one hand, there are reports on medical as well as moral concerns, with a focus on assumed detrimental effects of martial arts practice to the personal and social well-being (among others

Buse, 2006; Carr, 1998; Parry, 1998; Sheard, 1997). For example, there is a considerable amount of studies that have focused on injuries in martial arts (among others Birrer & Halbrook, 1988; Pieter, 2005; Zetaruk et al., 2005) This is especially the case for boxing, with several papers and statements in favour of a ban of boxing for children under the age of 16 years on medical and philosophic-ethical grounds. Pearn, for example, stated that “() there is no Source: http://www.doksinet Experiences of children in martial arts 21 place in contemporary society for a youth sport which has, as its primary goal, the infliction of acute brain damage on an opponent” (Pearn, 1998, 311). Others have investigated the extent in which martial arts practice among youth can lead to anti-social behaviour (e.g Daniels & Thornton, 1990) Especially the relationship between martial arts involvement and aggressiveness in youth has been studied on several occasions. As indicated by Maxwell

and Moores (2007), in the field of sport, scales measuring aggressiveness have probably been most extensively used in martial arts. While some longitudinal studies have provided evidence that there was no increase in aggressiveness among the participating youngsters (eg Reynes & Lorant, 2001, 2004), other research findings appeared to point in an opposite direction (DelvaTauiliili, 1995; Endresen & Olweus, 2005; Reynes & Lorant, 2002). And although some of the latter findings have been contested because of methodological problems (Nosanchuk & Lamarre, 2002), it has become clear that further research in this area is required. However, martial arts practice has also been associated with possible sociopsychological benefits (e.g Cox, 1993) A variety of studies have been reported on the positive impact of traditional martial arts practice on participants’ psychological health and personal development (e.g Baron, 1993; Cummings, 1988; Lamarre & Nosanchuk, 1999; Seitz

et al, 1990; Skelton et al, 1991; Weiser et al, 1995) Specifically with regard to youth, several studies have provided some evidence that an involvement in martial arts can be regarded as beneficial in relation to various domains (e.g selfregulation: Lakes & Hoyt, 2004; stress reduction: Wall, 2005; school violence prevention: Smith et al, 1999; Zivin et al, 2001; juvenile delinquency: Gonzalez, 1990; Gorbel, 1991; Nosanchuk, 1981; Trulson, 1986; Twemlow & Sacco, 1998) Others have also reported on the usefulness of martial arts in, among other things, family development (Lantz, 2002), conflict management (Rew & Ferns, 2005; Gleser & Brown, 1988) and liberal education (Levine, 1990). Experiences in martial arts While research has provided some evidence for the occurrence of positive sociopsychological effects of martial arts practice among youth, thereby giving support to a growing number of initiatives that specifically make use of martial arts in their work with young

people (Brown & Johnson, 2000; Hendrey, 1997), it has also made clear that more studies are needed, as not all findings point in the same direction. One of the perspectives from which to obtain more insight into the effects of martial arts practice is to analyse the experiences of those directly involved (i.e, martial arts participants) Steenbergen (2004), for example, pointed out that in the discussion on the social acceptability of boxing, the views of actual participants on their own sport are rarely heard. To date, only few studies have been conducted in which views and experiences of martial artists have been analysed. Most of these studies were conducted with boxers (eg Burke, 1998; Sugden, 1987; Wacquant, 1995) These studies, mostly using participant observations or in-depth interviews, have provided an interesting insight into the world of martial artists. For example, according to Wacquant (1995), boxers Source: http://www.doksinet Marc Theeboom, Paul De Knop and

Jikkemien Vertonghen 22 do not perceive their sport as violent or immoral, nor as a canalization of aggression. Instead, they characterize it as a skilled bodily trade requiring sophisticated technical know-how and an abiding moral commitment. He indicated that boxers relate to boxing with distinctly different meanings, such as courage, self-development, selfconfidence and self-control Using Bourdieu’s concept of habitus, Wacquant refers to “embodied capital” when indicating that boxing is regarded as much more than fighting: it equates to “being a fighter”. To date, however, little is known about the way children experience martial arts. For example, it remains unclear how they deal with harder martial arts. Will the practice of this kind of martial arts, according to them, have an influence on the way they deal with violence and aggression? As indicated by Mitchell (1992), it is important to take children’s mental immaturity into account. He referred to the fact that a

nine-yearold black belt is not a martial artist, but “() at best he is a nine-year-old child who has been trained to use potentially dangerous techniques” (Mitchell, 1992, 105). Consequently, various questions can be asked, relating to children’s participation motives, the way they deal with the fighting skills they learn, how they handle conflicts, if they experience any behavioural or psychological effects of martial arts practice, if they consider the martial arts they practise as a sport or a way of life, etc. The study A study was set up to analyse experiences of young martial artists through qualitative research methodology (in-depth interviews). 40 Flemish1 children (23 boys and 17 girls) between the age of eight and twelve years were interviewed (M=9.7 yrs; SD: 12 yrs). All of them were at least one year involved in martial arts training Children were randomly selected from clubs that had a specific youth section. Eight different martial arts were included (i.e, judo,

karate, taekwondo, aikido, wrestling, kickboxing, wushu and boxing). From each sport, five children were interviewed The main purpose was to collect data with regard to children’s experiences and opinion of their own martial arts involvement (e.g participation motives, training and competition experiences, effects on behaviour) Semi-structured interviews were audio-taped and inductively content analysed With the exception of the children that were involved in aikido, all children had the opportunity to take part in competition. Methods and procedure Interviews Owing the nature of the study (i.e, analysing views and experiences of a specific group), a qualitative approach (Gratton & Jones, 2004) using semi-structured in-depth interviews was used. All parents were informed of the study via letter and signed an informed consent form. Prior to conducting the interviews, all children were read an assent form and asked to sign their name. The interviews were conducted as open as 1

Flanders is the northern, Dutch-speaking part of Belgium. Source: http://www.doksinet Experiences of children in martial arts 23 possible with the respondents constantly being encouraged to talk freely about all aspects of their martial arts involvement. A pilot test, consisting of ten interviews with youngsters involved in martial arts, lead to minor adjustments (mostly with regard to wording and probing) in the interview schedule. In total, two interviewers with a personal background in martial arts were involved, each conducted half of the five pilot interviews and each did 20 interviews in four different martial arts in the actual study. All clubs that were contacted were willing to co-operate. The majority of the interviews, which ranged in duration from 25 to 45 minutes, took place before or after practice in a quiet and separate room. Because of practical reasons, a few children had to be interviewed at their home, also in a separate room. Prior to the interviews, the

interviewers observed a training session which allowed them to have some insight in the organizational and teaching approach within the specific club. To facilitate these observations, a checklist was used which included the following items: teacher-children relationship, provision of feedback, level of involvement and reactions of children during practice, and the purpose of the training session according to the observer. All interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim afterwards. Interview data were content analysed inductively. Based on the methodology described in Scanlan et al (1991), raw data units (ie, quotes) were clustered into common themes (first order), which in turn were then grouped into five second higher order themes. A similar procedure was used by a second (external) assessor Both schemes were then compared, resulting in a final selection of four second-order themes: motives (reasons why children started to practise and continue doing so), training (aspects

dealing with experiences of children during training practices and with their teacher), competition (specific competition-related experiences) and behaviour (experienced effects of martial arts practice on the children). Besides the individual interviews, a third interviewer (first author) subsequently conducted afterwards three group interviews each with ten children in a karate school. The aim was to collect additional information and experiences among these young people. However, no relevant new data were found Results Results of the study are presented thematically based on the four second-order themes and, where relevant, frequencies are reported in absolute numbers and illustrated using raw data (i.e, quotes) It was decided only to report on those findings that are specifically related to martial arts involvement Although data were collected with regard to other, more general, aspects (i.e, participation motives, relation with teacher and competition anxiety), it was felt that

these data did not provide any additional insight As these topics have already been extensively documented in the existing literature on youth sports (e.g De Knop et al, 1996), it was decided not to report these general findings in the present paper. Source: http://www.doksinet Marc Theeboom, Paul De Knop and Jikkemien Vertonghen 24 Participation motives A majority of the children in this study (29) indicated that being able to defend themselves against others is an important reason for taking up a martial art. Although some children (4) referred to actual self-defence against physical assaults, most children (25) regarded their martial arts involvement as a way to resist bullying by peers at school. Most of them (16) had prior experience of this. (.) they bullied me a lot and then they kicked me and stuff and I didn’t do anything back and then I always had to go to the teacher () to tell her that, but they didn’t do anything about it and said ‘do something back’ (). I

didn’t dare and then I started with aikido classes (boy, nine years, aikido). It is interesting to note that, according to a considerable number of children (20), they were also encouraged by their parents to learn how to defend themselves against acts of street violence. No differences were noticed here between boys and girls (.) to defend yourself when they want to attack you () murderers on the streets (.) my mum and dad have said that to me () such as from TV (girl, eight years, judo). Data showed that the preference for a particular martial art is based more on practical reasons (among others popularity of a club, distance to home), than on specific characteristics of a martial art. Findings also seem to indicate that children do not know the difference between various martial arts types. Only a few children (7) indicated that they (or their parents) had deliberately chosen a specific martial art. In those cases, it was indicated that types of martial arts which they regarded as

too violent were left aside. For example, one boy indicated that he did not want to practise karate: “() because it is so violent, you learn to kill someone ()” (boy, nine years, judo) Some other children (7) had started practising martial arts because they saw it on TV or in movies. Others (6) said that they started with martial arts for health reasons. “() and if you do nothing, you become tired, lazy and fat” (boy, eleven years, wrestling). Half of the martial arts that were selected in this study make use of coloured belts. Although the children indicated that the colour of their belt shows which level they have reached, there was only one child that explicitly said to regard the colour as a motivation to continue practicing the sport. Most children (15) did not consider this important. () if it remains white, it is also OK. As long as you can keep practic- ing aikido, if you cannot succeed in your exam, it does not matter. You can still learn (boy, nine years, aikido).

Source: http://www.doksinet Experiences of children in martial arts 25 Training Various reasons were given why children like training sessions. This was often related to specific parts of practice, such as warming up, games and free fights. Regarding the latter, several children (19) indicated that they like to “kick and fight” during practice. When we are allowed to fight with each other, we can amuse ourselves. And when you have had a hard day at school, you can work off through sparring (boy, twelve years, kickboxing). According to the children, this kicking and fighting is not about hurting and inflicting damage on others. They indicated that they greet each other before and after a fight and that they are expected always to respect their opponent. The children interviewed regard this as a test for themselves and an opportunity to go “all the way” against a partner who can also defend himself. Most of the children (28) indicated that through martial arts practice they

learn how to defend themselves. Although some referred here to “learning to fight”, it was always stipulated that their sport was not intended to attack other people, but purely to defend oneself. It is interesting to note that learning did not only occur on the sports technical level, as several children (18) also mentioned gaining more self-confidence. Before I started boxing, I didn’t go out and always watched television. I was also afraid of the taller children at school. This has changed now (boy, eight years, boxing). Children indicated to believe more in themselves, which according to some (6), even resulted in better learning at school. I had difficulty with learning because I was not sure of myself, but now I know how to learn (girl, eleven years, boxing). A number of children (9) also mentioned that through the practice of a martial art, they also feel physically stronger. Some of them (7) even said that they are more appreciated by their friends as they are not skinny

anymore and their muscles are more developed They added that they are no longer laughed at They now appreciate me more. I used to be tiny and small, but now I have more muscles and they don’t laugh anymore (boy, twelve years, kickboxing). Competition Most children (30) from this study had some experience of martial arts competition. There were a number of reasons why other children where not involved. For example, in some martial arts there is simply no competition (e.g aikido) A lower martial arts level or younger age were also reasons why they did not have competition experience. In most cases, it was up to their trainer to decide if they were allowed to enter competition. However, there were children (8) who were permitted to decide for themselves A Source: http://www.doksinet Marc Theeboom, Paul De Knop and Jikkemien Vertonghen 26 number of them (7) indicated that they considered themselves too young and not experienced enough in their sport to become involved in

competition. However, most of these children (6) indicated that they wanted to experience what a competition feels like and regarded this as an opportunity to make new friends. Some children (5) were also interested to find out if they would like fighting against other children. And, finally, a small number of children (4) did not want to take part in competition. The reason here was their fear of the pain they might feel I’m afraid I’ll hurt myself, then you’ll have to fight a girl or a boy and you can get beaten up (girl, eight years, kickboxing). Data showed that also children who did not take part in competition could encounter situations in which there are similar experiences (e.g fear of failure during public performances) The participation motives that were reported by the children are enjoyment, being together with friends, getting to know other children and being able to compare themselves with others. “I do this for fun and not really in order to learn how to fight”

(boy, ten years, kickboxing). Most children (17) indicated that they hardly ever have painful experiences. They consider martial arts competitions as harmless because of the strict rules during fights. Behaviour It was mentioned earlier that the children in this study indicated that they learn several things during practice. This does not only involve the more technical aspects of sport One girl mentioned that she had learned in her club how to deal with others. They also mentioned that they feel they have more confidence, they show less aggression and they ask more of themselves than before. (.) because I learn to defend myself, through which I feel more confident (boy, nine years, aikido) I used to become angry easily and would want to start fighting right away. But now I usually try to stay calm (boy, twelve years, boxing) It is difficult to determine to what extent there are possible behavioural changes as a result of practising martial arts for these youngsters. However, it is

interesting to note that almost all children (34) have indicated that they experience positive changes which have an effect on the way they feel and behave. Despite the question whether or not there are real behavioural changes, data show that children believe that their selfimage is influenced in a positive way. Conflicts Children experienced behavioural changes mostly in the way they responded to conflicts (e.g during a quarrel or when friends were in need) Different reactions were Source: http://www.doksinet Experiences of children in martial arts 27 mentioned: threat, defending oneself or their friends, hitting back, patching up a quarrel, walking away or simply ignoring were the most frequently described strategies. (.) then I would go straight to them and pretend I’m going to fight and then they will surely stop and run away (girl, ten years, wushu). (.) then I would immediately defend her and then I would ask why they argue and say to them that they should make up again

and be friends (girl, eleven years, judo). It was mentioned that in most cases children would try to talk first when there is a conflict. Only when this does not work, would they try other things Children indicated that only in extreme circumstances would they use force to defend themselves and others. They also indicated that when a fight was inevitable, they would only defend themselves or the others without hurting the attackers. Not causing any pain, nor hitting a bloody nose or something like that. Only make him stop. I might hit him lightly just to scare him (boy, twelve years, taekwondo). A number of children (8) even said that if they would have hurt others, they would apologize to them afterwards. I would mind a lot if I had caused any pain to someone who is innocent. Then I wouldn’t feel good about this and would apologize (boy, eight years, aikido). There were also children (9) who said they would withdraw if during a quarrel children would start a fight, because of the

fear of being hit. It is also interesting to note that almost all children (37) believed they would react in a different way now than before they started to practise martial arts. (.) I used to react immediately, and would hit them at once And now I don’t do that anymore. In fact this is strange, others kick and hit you and you don’t do anything back () but I won’t (boy, ten years, judo). It is important, however, to mention here that the majority of children (32) in this study indicated that they have not encountered these situations for real. This means that they only reported on their intentions. The interviews also showed that the behaviour they described was encouraged by their trainers Often they indicated that, if they behaved differently (e.g by starting to fight on the street or challenging others), they would be suspended and even in some cases would be forced to leave their club. It is interesting to see that many of the children (19) of this study said that they did

not talk to others about their sport (i.e, friends at school or in their neighbourhood) They indicated that they preferred to keep this to themselves and did not feel the need that too many others know about their martial arts involvement. A number of children (10) explicitly indicated that they simply not like to be made the center of attention through this. Source: http://www.doksinet Marc Theeboom, Paul De Knop and Jikkemien Vertonghen 28 Media Despite their aversion to violence, most children (29) have indicated that they like watching martial arts films. They make a clear difference between what is shown and reality. A number of children (12) also explicitly indicated that these films did not correspond to that what they learn in their club () you see them lying on the ground hitting and shooting and grabbing each other. That’s not like here Here it is done gently and we don’t grab and hurt each other (girl, ten years, wushu). According to the children, showing violence

in the media does not have an impact on their behaviour, nor does it affect their attitude towards the use of violence. However, a number of these children (11) are worried about the fact that violence in films and on television might set a bad example to others. I think this is bad. In fact it sets a bad example if there are children that say: “We will also try this”. A friend at school always says to me: “Let’s do like in the movies”. We then always pretend to fight, but he doesn’t know how to do this (boy, nine years, taekwondo). According to some (8), these films should not be shown on television. Only a few children indicated that they have bad dreams about it afterwards, while others said they deliberately did not watch, because they did not like this. I always think about this while I go to sleep. My parents say that I should not think about this, but then I’ll do it anyway and dream about it (girl, eight years, kickboxing). () in these films there is more violence

and guns, and I don’t like this (girl, eleven years, kickboxing). Discussion The effect of martial arts involvement on participants has drawn the attention of social scientists as contrasting images seem to appear. On the one hand, there is a common belief that participation in martial arts can be related to increased levels of aggression and violence among participants, which has resulted in a considerable amount of studies that have looked at this relationship. Interestingly, this research has not only looked at “harder” types of martial arts (e.g boxing and kickboxing), but has also investigated effects of other more commonly accepted disciplines, such as (Olympic) judo and karate. On the other hand, however, there is the conventional wisdom that (traditional) martial arts appear to have positive socio-psychological effects on its participants. Because of this ambiguity and the fact that many youngsters are involved in martial arts, there are many studies that have looked at

the effects of martial arts practice on youth. While the majority of studies seem to provide evidence for the positive effects martial arts practice has on young people, it has been indicated that the often Source: http://www.doksinet Experiences of children in martial arts 29 used cross-sectional designs do not rule out changes due to selection biases (Fuller, 1988). In his review on martial arts and psychological health, Fuller (1988) suggested, therefore, the use of longitudinal studies to establish a more distinct cause-and-effect relationship with actual martial arts practice. However, as some longitudinal studies that were conducted more recently (e.g Endresen & Olweus, 2005; Reynes & Lorant, 2002) did not provide more evidence for the positive effects of martial arts involvement among youth, it becomes clear that also other research methods are needed to provide a better insight in this relationship. Through the use of a qualitative methodology, the present study

has analysed views and experiences among children involved in martial arts. Findings seem to support the relationship between martial arts practice and positive socio-psychological outcomes. Children that were interviewed in this study reported increases in selfconfidence, self-control and social skills, as well as adapted a non-violent attitude in relation to conflicts. These results are clearly supportive to the findings of various other studies Results also show that, although learning self-defence skills was one of the most important participation motives among the children in this study, these skills were primarily regarded as a protection from becoming victims of bullying at school. It appears, however, that their parents were more concerned with their children’s safety on the streets, as they encouraged them to start martial arts practice for that reason. To date, studies have been scarce that have looked at participation motives of martial artists. Moreover, the majority of

these studies have only focused on adolescents’ and adults’ motives (e.g Jones et al, 2006; Twemlow et al, 1996) Consequently, the data of the present study can hardly be compared to available research data. It is also interesting to refer to the finding that most children in this study seem to be reluctant to talk about their martial arts practice to outsiders. While the interview data did not provide a clear reason for this, it might be that the children simply try to avoid being “tested” by others on their fighting skills (e.g being challenged) Another possible explanation might be that their “secrecy” can be seen as part of a moral code of humility which is regarded as one of the fundamental principles within most traditional Asian martial arts (Najafi, 2003). Another finding of this study refers to the perception of children with regard to fighting an opponent. According to children that were interviewed, such fighting does not relate to inflicting pain or causing

damage to another person. Rather, they regard this as a personal test of their skills against an opponent capable of defending oneself. This feeling shows a similarity with Wacquant’s (1995) finding regarding adult boxers’ perception of their sport in which they see boxing as a skilled bodily trade and a moral commitment. This brings, however, a moral discussion to the fore regarding the acceptability of harder types of martial arts practice for youth, which has resulted for some in a plea for stricter rules or even a ban (Parry, 1998; Pearn, 1998). At the same time, though, others have described the effect martial arts appear to have with regard to moral development or virtuous behaviour (e.g Lantz, 2002; Twemlow & Sacco, 1998). Source: http://www.doksinet Marc Theeboom, Paul De Knop and Jikkemien Vertonghen 30 Conclusion It is clear that analysing the experiences of children in martial arts requires a good insight into the specific context of martial arts practice, where

actually fighting an opponent is often a basic characteristic and, as such, different to most other sports. In addition, because of the wide variety of martial arts styles, it would seem logic that different experiences might occur within this variation (eg “softer” styles such as aikido, compared to “harder styles” such as kickboxing). To date, however, studies have not provided conclusive evidence that outcomes will vary between different martial arts. First, because of the limited number of comparative studies that have been conducted, and second, because even interventions within the same martial art have led to opposite findings. But this does not indicate that no distinction can be made within the wide variety of martial arts. For example, it might be interesting to take the different approaches of martial arts practice into account As indicated by Theeboom et al (1995), the practice of martial arts my be categorized by means of three approaches: (a) “traditional”,

(b) “sporting”, and (c) “efficiency”. Each approach varies with regard to the nature of interactions between teacher and pupils and the kind of goals set forward. In the traditional approach, participants strive for unity and coordination between internal (e.g spiritual and mental) and external (eg physical) elements as it is stressed that physical excellence in martial arts will not go without spiritual or mental cultivation. The sporting approach regards martial arts as sports with positive physical, mental and social effects for its participants. The variety of fighting skills is restricted to what is allowed according to specific competition rules. And, finally, the efficiency approach emphasizes effectiveness and application of the techniques in a fight. Martial arts are mainly practised for self-defence reasons. A few studies have considered different approaches within the same martial art when looking at effects on participants (e.g Caine, 1989; Murray, 1981; Trulson,

1986). But as most of these studies have only described these differences in general terms (e.g “traditional” versus “non-traditional”), limited insight has been provided In addition, it has been indicated by Jones et al. (2006, 33) that “instructorship” is perhaps more important than the art being practised: The importance of the instructors’ teaching/communication style implies that even for the same style of martial art, practitioner responses will alter depending on the attributes of the instructor. Consequently, future research which looks more closely at these variations might result in a better understanding of the effect martial arts practice has on participants in general and on youth in particular. References Baron, L. J (1993) The psychological effects of introducing tai chi as an alternative physical activity for young children. In S Serpa, J Alves, V Ferreira & A Paula-Brito (Eds), Proceedings VIII World Congress of Sport Psychology (524-527). Lissabon:

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Traditional martial arts in middle school. Adolescence, 36, 443-459 Marc Theeboom has a PhD in Physical Education and a Master’s degree in Leisure Studies. He is a full professor at the Faculty of Physical Education and Physiotherapy and of the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium (VUB). He is currently the Vice-Dean of Research of the Faculty of Physical Education and Physiotherapy and the Chair of the Sports Policy and Management Department of the same Faculty. Teaching includes areas of sport, leisure and physical education from policy and socio-pedagogical perspectives His research primarily focuses on (ped)agogical and policyrelated aspects of (youth) sport in general and underprivileged youth, martial arts, physical education and school sport in particular (contact: mtheeboo@vub.acbe) Paul De Knop has a PhD in Physical Education at the Faculty of Physical Education of the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium (VUB), graduated

in Leisure Studies at the same university and earned a Master’s Degree in Sports Sociology and Sports Management from the University of Leicester (UK). He is a senior full professor and currently the vice-chancellor of the VUB. He was Dean of the Faculty of Physical Education (from 2004 to 2008), Chair of the board of BLOSO (Flemish sports administrative body) (from 1999 until 2006), Chair of the RAGO (Council of the Community Education of Flanders) (from 2002 to 2008), and has been Deputy Chief of Cabinet to the Flemish minister of Sport (from 2004 to 2008). Furthermore, he was founder and coordinator of the “Top Level Sport and Studies” programme at the VUB and is project manager of two sport centres and one hotel. Teaching includes areas of sport, leisure and physical education from a socio-pedagogical perspective. His research interests are: youth and sport, sport and ethnic minorities, sport and tourism, sport management, quality in sport and sport policy. Jikkemien

Vertonghen graduated in 2006 at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel with a Master’s degree in Physical Education (option Sports Management). From 2006 onwards, she has been Source: http://www.doksinet Experiences of children in martial arts 35 working as a researcher at the same university at the Department of Sports Policy and Management. First on a project regarding local sports policy planning and from 2007, she is a doctoral researcher focusing on children, martial arts and social cohesion