Politika, Politológia | Biztonság- és külpolitika » Sidra Rehan - Israel Palestine Conflict and Arab League Policy Towards the Conflict Resolution

Master’s Thesis Israel-Palestine conflict and Arab League policy towards the conflict resolution. A case study of Neorealism, Constructivism and Arab League Analysis. Author: Sidra Rehan Supervisor: Patric Lindgren Examiner: Brigitte Pircher University: Linnaeus University Term: 23VT Subject: International Affairs Level: Master Course code: 5SK30E 1 (52) Abstract The Israel Palestine conflict is one of the oldest conflicts in the international arena and has been ongoing for 77 years. The peace and stability of the Middle East region is also dependent on the resolution of the conflict, and the Arab League is the only organization in the region that can play an important role. This thesis seeks to analyze this conflict from the Oslo Accords 1993 onwards as Oslo accords were the turning point in conflict. Furthermore, the thesis would be examine based on neo-realism and constructivism theory and their concepts, to what extent they can explain the Israel Palestine conflict, and

how effective is the League of Arab States (LAS) in resolving the issue. The theoretical framework of neo-realism and its concepts Security Dilemma, balance of power, and national interests is used to relate to the conflict. The constructivism theory addresses conflict on the basis of identity and norms. This analysis explains the conflict between the concepts of neorealism and constructivism. Arab league policies are also discussed with respect to the selected theories. The conclusions show that the conflict is linked with security and identity crisis and the Arab League response to the conflict. Key words Neo realism, Israel, Palestine, security dilemma, balance of power, national interest, identity crisis, norms and value, Constructivism, Arab League. Acknowledgments My master journey would not have been possible without the contribution and support of many important people. First and foremost, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Patric Lindgren, for

his supervision and support throughout the entire process of this master thesis. Without his valuable advice and guidance, this master thesis would not have been achievable. I am also extremely thankful to all my professors and teachers in the Department of Political Science, Linnaeus University. I also express my gratitude to Linnaeus University for the scholarship opportunity to pursue my studies in International Affairs, Master Programme. My deep and sincere gratitude goes to my family for their continuous and unparalleled love, help and support. Very special thanks to my husband Humayun Babar who has stood by me through all my travails, my absences, my fits of pique and impatience and for his unconditional support and help throughout this journey. I am forever indebted to my parents (Rehan Akram Bhatti and Fauzia Rehan) who supported me emotionally and financially. I always knew that you believed in me and wanted the best for me. Thank you for giving me the opportunities and

experiences that have made me who I am today. I am grateful to my siblings (Muhammad Mustafa Bhatti, Maheen Rehan and Samreen Rehan) for always being there for me as a friend. My sons (Ahmad Mujtaba and Muhammad Zahran) for giving me unlimited happiness and pleasure and becoming my moral support. I would also like to thank my mother-in-law for her support and blessings. Contents 1 Introduction . 1 1.1 Research Questions: . 2 1.2 Scope and limitation: . 2 1.3 Previous Research: . 3 2 Theoretical framework: . 4 2.1 Neo Realism Theory: . 4 2.11 Security Dilemma: . 6 2.12 Balance of power: . 6 2.13 National Interest:. 7 2.2 Constructivism theory: . 8 2.21 Identity and Norms . 9 3 Methodology: . 10 3.1 Case Study . 11 3.11 Case study Design: . 12 3.2 Theory-Guided Case Study . 13 3.3 Selection of Case: . 13 3.4 Reliability and validity . 14 4 Operationalization: . 14 4.1 Material: . 17 4.11 Official regional and state documents . 17 4.12 Literatures and articles . 17 4.13 Press

materials . 17 5 Modern roots of the conflict . 18 5.1 Oslo Accords I (1993) and II (1995): . 18 5.2 Second intifada till present . 18 5.3 The league of Arab States (LAS): . 22 5.31 Arab Peace Initiative (API) . 22 6 Analysis: . 23 6.1 Security dilemma: . 23 6.11 Israel Armed forces technology: . 23 6.12 Palestine military situation: . 24 6.2 Balance of power. 25 6.21 Israel Defence Agreements: . 25 6.22 Israel’s economic cooperation with Arab States: . 26 6.23 Palestine balancing against Israel: . 26 6.3 National Interests: . 27 6.31 Israel’s national interest; security and power: . 27 6.32 Palestine’s national interests . 27 6.4 Constructivism analysis. 28 6.41 Identity and Norms of Israel . 28 6.42 Palestine’s Identity and norms . 29 6.5 Analysis of the Arab league in resolving the conflict: . 30 6.51 Arab league and neo realism: . 30 6.52 Arab League analysis from the constructivism point of view . 32 7 Conclusion: . 33 7.1 Empirical Conclusion: . 33 7.2

Methodological conclusions:. 34 7.3 Theoretical conclusions: . 35 7.4 Future Research:. 36 8 References: . 37 Appendix 1: Israel and the Palestinian Territories. 1 Appendix 2: Map of Members of Arab League . 2 1 Introduction “After decades of persistent violence, illegal settlement expansion, dormant negotiations and deepening occupation, the conflict is again reaching a boiling point,” (Tor Wennesland, UN special coordinator, 2002) These were the words stated by Tor Wennesland, the UN special coordinator, which show the importance of the dispute. The Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the most prolonged issues in the world and has been ongoing for 77 years. The conflict is between two states of different identities and interests; Israel-Palestine conflict and Judaism-Arabism both claiming the same territory. There were historical division issues between Palestinians and Israelis. However, mediators such as the United States, Saudi Arabia, and other Arab countries tried to

initiate the peace process by mediating several peace agreements such as Oslo Accords I and II in 1993 and 1995; with these Accords, a new era of hope and peacebuilding began but it was not long lasting and the peace accords were denounced in 1996 by Israel when they started settling Jews in occupied territory (Shlaim, September 2013). At the Arab summit in Beirut in 2002, Saudi crown prince Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz proposed a peace plan called the Arab Peace Initiative (API) 2002 to resolve the Israel Palestine conflict (API, 2002). The Arab League approved the plan in March 2002, readopted it in 2007 (ADL, 2022) and in the 2017 Arab League summit in Jordan it was initiated but none of them were fully implemented and was accepted by Palestine but rejected by Israel and till now both states are in a state of conflict. The League of Arab States (LAS) was established in 1945 and is one of the most prominent Regional Organizations in the region and can play an important role in resolving

the Israel Palestine conflict. This research paper aims to investigate the Israel Palestine conflict in detail from 1993 onwards using the theoretical framework to explain the conflict and the role of the Arab League in solving the conflict. The events in the conflict from 1993 (Oslo Accords) onwards will be explained and the conflict will be analyzed by explaining it with a theoretical view, i.e, neo-realism theory and constructivism theory, then the contribution of the Arab League will be evaluated considering the abovementioned theories. By including all these aspects, the objective is to develop a contemporary and extensive study that will answer the research question in the best possible way. This thesis will be structured into six sections. The first section comprises the introduction, which consists of problem statements, research questions, and previous research. The second section will explain the theoretical framework of neorealism and constructivism theories. Neorealism

demonstrates an understanding of security dilemmas, the balance of power and national interests, while constructivism provides a better understanding of identity and norms. The third section will discuss the methods used in this research, why a certain case study design is chosen, how the case 1 (44) is selected and material chosen for the research paper. The fourth section explains the operationalization and material. The fifth section explains the events and situation of the dispute from 1993 till onwards of both sides and provides a brief introduction of the Arab League. The sixth section is the analysis part in which the theoretical framework will be used to explain the Israel Palestine conflict and the policies of the Arab League will be critically evaluated concerning the theories. The seventh section is the concluding remarks which includes empirical, methodological and theoretical conclusions and future research. 1.1 Research Question This paper seeks to answer the

following question: Based on neorealism and constructivism theory and their concepts, to what extent do they explain the Israel Palestine conflict and what is the role of League of Arab States (LAS) in resolving the issue? 1.2 Scope and limitation This research paper will focus on the Israel Palestine conflict from 1993 (Oslo Accords I) onwards with the focus of neo-realism and constructivism theory in explaining the conflict and the role of the Arab League in solving the conflict. The Israel Palestine conflict is one of the oldest conflicts in the Middle East, and it is now affecting peace and stability in the region. Without solving this conflict, the region cannot prosper and become stable. This thesis focuses on the Arab League instead of the OIC Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC, 2022). As this issue is confined to Middle East and Arab League is regional organization comprising of 22 member states representing Middle East and Northern Africa (MENA) and was created in 1945

to protect the Arab sovereignty and independence whereas OIC is the second largest intergovernmental organization after United Nations, OIC has 57 member states and was founded in 1969, comprising of four continents and it was created to protect the interest of Muslim world on economic and political sphere (Gjevori, 2020). Keeping these facts in mind, the Arab League is the most suitable organization to examine in relation to the Israel Palestine conflict, and this thesis does not offer a deeper analysis of each member states policy and its actions in the region but instead only accounts for events involving the Israel Palestine conflict. This thesis will cover the Oslo Accords (1993) and will extend the events in the conflict to the current situation, but this paper will not explain the political ups and downs and governance in Israel and Palestine and will limit itself in describing the events of conflict in detail. 2 (44) 1.3 Previous Research The Israel Palestine dispute has

been an ongoing conflict for decades. As other parties also have an interest in the stability of the region, along with Israel, Palestine, the United States, Iran, the EU, middle eastern states like Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and the neighboring states of Israel and Palestine are also involved. Due to the involvement of some dominant states like the United States and organizations like the European Union (EU) and Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), many academic literatures and articles have been written and analyze on this conflict from different points of view, but there are few studies on the Israel Palestine conflict involving the effectiveness of the League of Arab States (LAS) in solving the conflict. In this part, we will investigate the previous literature and articles written on the Israel-Palestine conflict. The research done on the Israel Palestine dispute from a different perspective includes a research paper “The Role of the EU in the IsraeliPalestinian

Conflict” by Sofic (2019). The time frame chosen is from 1993 to 2019; in this paper, the researcher explains the EU role in conflict by using realism, liberalism, and constructivism as the main theoretical framework. Another research paper named “Israeli/Palestinian Conflict: A review of the Past and the Present” was written by Danfulani, Leawat, and Dinshak (2021). The authors describe conflict in detail with U.N, US and Arab Nations as major actors in the conflict to what extend these actors have done to resolve the conflict .Furthermore, Saxby (2021) in “The Israel-Palestine Conflict: A Case study” explained the Israel Palestine conflict with regard to ideology of Judaism and Islam .Ahmad (2021) in “Israel-Palestine Conflict: The World’s Most Intractable Conflict,” depicts the reasons behind the unresolvable nature of the conflict and the actors involved in the peace process of this conflict .In another report written by Jones (2002) titled “The

Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Historical and Prospective Intervention Analyses”, discussed the points which were elaborated in the road map for peace regarding the final settlement of the Israel Palestine conflict. In a special report by Alpher in 2005 under the title “The Future of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Critical Trends Affecting Israel”, he demonstrates which of the local, regional, and international trends have the highest impact on Israel’s relationship with Palestine in the future. “Security and Fear in Israeli and Palestinian Conflict Narratives a Social-Psychological Study” by Baukhol (2015) explains social and psychological factors such as security and expression of fear for Israelis and Palestinians. Moreover, Demirel (2006) in “The failure of peace process in the Palestinian Israeli conflict: the clash of Arab nationalism and Zionism” explains the conflict on the basis of territorial claims and how to solve the conflict without any territorial

compromise. Furthermore, Nasur, Irshaid, and Jreban (2017) in “The Failure of the Arab League in Solving Inter-State Disputes” demonstrate a deep investigation of the Arab leagues progress and in various Middle East conflicts and the reason behind its failure as a regional security organization. Another research paper is also reviewed on the topic “The Role of the Arab League in Solving Regional Conflicts” by Gallage (2015), and the purpose of this research paper was to describe the role of the Arab League as a regional organization in solving the Middle East conflicts. Although this paper describes the Arab League’s role in the Israel Palestine 3 (44) conflict, it is confined to 2002. The paper titled “The Arab League and the ArabIsraeli Conflict” written by Hadi explains the Arab unity and background of Arab League .He also demonstrates the challenges and achievements of Arab states from 1947 till 1995.Moreover a book “Israel and Palestine : peace plans and

proposals from Oslo to disengagement” by Galia (2007) explains the peace process from 1993 till 2005 the disengagement of Israel from Gaza and explains that Israelis and Palestinians have come closer to peace .An article “The Role of the Arab Peace Initiative in Light of the Latest Israeli-Palestinian War” by Salem (2014) which explore the impact and implications of Arab peace initiative in the Israel Palestine conflict .Another paper written by Muyo in 2015 named “Understanding of the Neorealist, Constructionist and Relative Deprivation Theories: A Phenomenological Study of the Israeli Palestinian Conflict with Practice Application of Integrative Negotiation” demonstrate the use of theories like neorealism, constructivism and deprivation theory to explain Israel Palestine conflict and use phenomenological method to research the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as phenomenology is a valuable qualitative approach to studying human experience. To summarize the previous research,

these studies are informational and advantageous; they will be used in this research paper as groundwork. However, this research paper is very comprehensive as it will explain the conflict on the basis of security, identity, and religion and it has evaluated the role of the Arab League as well. The above paper written by Hadi also explained the Arab League, but he focused on its historical background. Muyo used constructivism, neorealism, and deprivation theory in his research paper, but the author used the Integrative Negotiation technique to explain the conflict. None of the research papers so far has combinedly discussed the Arab Palestine conflict in detail with neorealism and constructivism as theoretical frameworks and the Arab League role in practically resolving the conflict. Overall, this paper will make a good contribution to previous research. 2 Theoretical framework This section will discuss the theoretical framework of neorealism and constructivism theory. Although there

are other key theories in international relations such as realism and liberalism, the theoretical framework of neorealism and constructivism is better suited to the explanation of the Israel Palestine conflict and Arab League analysis. Neorealism or structural realism deals with the security dilemma, balance of power and national interests, which are one of the causes of this conflict, and constructivism is of the view that conflicts are socially constructed, and this Israel Palestine conflict is also an identity conflict. 2.1 Neo Realism Theory A system theory of international politics deals with power at the international level instead of the national level. Neorealism or structural realism claims that the behavior of a state can be analyzed by the characteristics of the state system (Waltz, 1979). The neorealist theory has been evolved by Kenneth Waltz in Theory of International 4 (44) Politics (1979). Kenneth Waltz began to work on this theory in the 1950s, and in 1979, the

theory was developed as mentioned in his book, Theory of International Politics. This book was written to explain the recurrent pattern of the behavior of the state and how the state collaborates in the international system. Today, most international security politics are led by neorealists. The neorealist is not only a theoretical approach but also helps to understand the different views of contemporary world politics. Originally derived by Waltz, this concept was also accepted by John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt. According to Waltz, states have an anarchic nature rather than a hierarchical structure, but there are also structural variations in anarchic systems due to the diversity between states in terms of distribution of power. Before Waltz, the writers were focused on the question regarding the equal distribution of power within the states, but now the focus has been shifted to whether the system has a bipolar or multipolar distribution of power. According to Waltz, the bipolar

world is less prone to wars than the multipolar world. Waltz suggested that the world with two superpowers is called bipolar, i.e, the cold war and multipolar world have many superpowers like the world in the 21st century (Walling, n. d) According to realism, power is the main tool of international politics. For realists, international politics and power politics are synonymous. But the difference in opinion arrives when they talk about the reason why states want power. According to classical realist Hans Morgenthau, this is due to human nature as human nature is selfish so great powers are controlled by leaders who have lusted for power and want to rule the world. However, according to structural realists, human nature is very less involved in this phenomenon, which is why states want power instead they rely on the statement that the structure of the international system compels states to have power. Because this political system has no higher authority, which is above the superpower

with another reason that there is no assurance if any other state will attack or not, so every state in this environment wants to be powerful enough to defend itself if attacked (Mearsheimer, 2006). Neo-realism theory disregards the cultural differences between states and the diversity in regime type because the international system has equal opportunities for all states. The regime of the state has very little to do with the fact that how states enact with other states nor this fact matters that who is running the foreign policy of a state. According to structural realists, states are like black boxes; this means that they are presumed to be alike other than the fact that some states are more powerful. Another apprehension in realism is about the amount of power obtained from the states. In the view of a defensive realist like Kenneth Waltz (1979), it is absurd for states to try to boost their power because if they do so the system will punish them. Offensive realist John Mearsheimer

(2001) has contrasted opinion according to him it is a good and wise decision from the states to obtain the maximum power which they can obtain and in favorable circumstances they can aim for hegemony. The disagreement is not about whether the domination is good in itself but rather the fact that by obtaining great power, the state can secure its own survival and cause a security dilemma for other states. If we talk about the power of classical realism, power is an end in itself, but for structural realists, power is a source to an end and the eventual end means survival, and the characteristics of power 5 (44) rely on the material capabilities that are managed by the state (Mearsheimer, 2006, P.72) 2.11 Security Dilemma According to neorealists, world nature is anarchic, so disputes and differences between states occur occasionally. In an anarchic environment, states have to look for security and deal with their own threats. States need to recognize the danger and find a

counter solution for it. The relations between the states become tense and they become doubtful and aggressive toward each other in an anarchic environment; otherwise, they are not suspicious and hostile by nature. Every state wanted to boost its security to survive. Beside their individual purpose, states join together to form alliances. Thus, this state of affairs increases the phenomenon known as security dilemma, which states that the increase in one state security usually causes a decrease in other state security and in an anarchic world the cause of one’s comfort is others worry. Hence, if a state is building its strength and military weapons for its defence, it is interpreted as a threat by the other states. The response from the latter then acts as a confirmation to the prior state that it did the right thing and they had an explanation to worry about. The alliance made for defence with other member states also prevents the formation of another defence alliance as they see it

as a threat. States are hungry for power because they want it. Neorealist theory suggests that it is not obligatory that a state that has the desire for power will initiate war instead in an anarchic world war can be started if all the parties involved have a desire to gain power but that war can also be initiated when all the states seek power to secure their safety. Neorealism explains the connection between the state of war and its structure They state that the start of conflict is associated with rivalry, i.e, cold war, and the start of the cold war is directly related to an anarchic environment. The reversion of war is described by the international system structure (Wivel, 2011). 2.12 Balance of power According to Waltz, the balance of theory explains that states are unitary actors that desire power at their minimum; they want power for their defense purpose, and the hegemon is the purpose behind the maximum gain of power. To gain power for this purpose, they use internal

methods (economic, military strategies) and external methods (strengthen or enlarge alliance, weaken opposition). For members to contest in the system to survive there should be two or more participants and if there are more than three players then the alliances are of much more importance but in two-player games internal methods are strengthened. But mainly the states act on the system of self-help (Sadeghi, 2018). Stephen Walt is another neorealist; he explains the balancing of states about fear and suggests the balance of threat theory. In his article titled “Alliance formation and the Balance of World Power printed in 1985. Waltz explains balancing as “allying with others against the prevailing threat”. Waltz stated that “because power is a means, not an end, states prefer to join the weaker of two conditions (Waltz, Theory of International Politics, 1979, p. 126) But Walt asserted and focused on the threat of 6 (44) deciding the behavior of the state and the

establishment of alliances. According to him, states establish alliances to avoid the domination of stronger powers. It means that they join coalitions when they feel threatened by other states. States establish alliances if their survival is at risk and states want to restrain the aggression from their rivals and when their entry into the alliance makes them strengthen to influence the coalition (Sharma, n.d) Walt declares that “The greater a state’s aggregate capabilities, the greater the tendency for others to align with it” (Walt , The Origins of Alliances, 1987, p. 32) The phenomenon of balancing is explained by walt as states go to balance or join against the terrifying states, a state that is stronger will balance with the weaker states, whereas the weaker states usually position with other weaker states (IAF,2023). The Balance of Threat Theory indicates that the focus of neorealism is on the distribution of capabilities, which does not give a purposeful description of why

states join alliances. Instead, he logically explains that although power plays an important role in the development of alliances, it is not the only factor. But the threat to the formation of the alliance. Peace is frail in an anarchic environment. The extension of peace is possible when all the main actors in the system figure out the destabilizing developments and respond timely to the situation. In the place where anarchy exists, conflict begins when attention is not paid. Neorealism also talks about multipolar and bipolar systems and which one is better suited to avoid conflict. If we consider a system in which five great powers operate, then the political will revolves around the diplomacy in which alliances are made and disintegrate (Dibek, 2012). Alliances are formed between countries that have not all but some common interests between them. The strategies in alliances are made with mutual understanding because every state has its own interests to secure. In an environment

where there is bipolarity and both the blocs are in the state of equilibrium, if rivalry begins to destroy the other side also damages itself. In the event of conflict, the fragile side will develop its policy and its ally cannot pay the price to let fragile members be defeated or to disintegrate the bloc. Because the defeat of the vital member would destroy the balance of power. Every state makes its strategy and exercises force against its rival bloc and the alliances where members are equal if one member is defeated then all other member state security is in danger in an alliance. In contrast, in unequal alliances, the input of smaller members is not much important, so the leaders of alliances with smaller members are more prone to distress because they do not have many options. The power of a state relies on the material competence that the state controls. The balance of power is mainly a function of states to acquire military equipment such as nuclear weapons and armored divisions

(Sun, 2014). 2.13 National Interest In the view of neorealism, the prominent neorealist Kenneth Waltz recognizes the national interest in a different way from classical realists and grants new meaning to this word. Waltz insisted that the national interest is an outcome of the infrastructure of the international system, so he suggested that a political leader or an individual has no impact on its determination (Dibek, 2012). Waltz did not evaluate the meaning and 7 (44) function of national interests in foreign policy, but he was of the view that states are compelled to accomplish their national interests. Waltz also stated that states cannot persuade an anarchic international system. They only develop policies that will prioritize the states survival interest. The lack of higher political authority compels states to emphasize their survival and security over other interests. States behavior concerning national interests explains that the state has looked into its security

demands and now accomplishes them. After the recognition of national interest, states should plan their diplomatic and military activities carefully, otherwise the survival of the state will be in danger (Waltz, 1979:134). Waltz is also of the view that every state determines its set of rules and regulations to achieve its national interests. “To say that a state is sovereign means that it decides for itself how it will cope with its internal and external problems, including whether or not to seek assistance from others and in doing so to limit its freedom by making commitments to them “(Waltz, 1979, p. 96) States should focus on the relative gains where they have to fulfill their interests through cooperation and if the cooperation between the states is made for common good then states should review because there might be a situation where one state can accomplish a policy to get more benefit which will ultimately destroy the other state (ÇİFTÇİ, 2009). The alliances made on

relative profit are not long termed because the state that gains more profit can subsequently increase its power, thus forming a situation to abort the cooperation and fulfill the states interests. Likewise, states that gain less profit also want to terminate or replace the agreement. Because of these circumstances, states are hesitant to collaborate as no higher authority is present to guarantee assent to the pact. The statement that states should seek their national interests shows that cooperation between the states is an interim agreement that will be dismissed if they clash with the national interests of the states (Jackson, Sørensen, 2013, p. 67) According to neorealism, the foundation of national interests is security, while power is a great tool for attaining security (Trifunović, 2021). 2.2 Constructivism theory Constructivism evolved in the 1980s and 1990s as a counter argument against realism and liberalism. The major contributions in the field of constructivism were made

by Nicholas Onuf, Alexander Wendt (1992), and Peter Katzenstein (1996). The term constructionism was first introduced by Nicholas Onuf in the international relations theory in 1989 (Behravesh, 2011). Constructivism is a “social theory of international politics, which stresses the social establishment of world events. The main assumption of constructivism is that the international system is ‘socially constructed’ i.e, it comprises the methods in which human beings think and interact with each other. According to constructivism, it acknowledges international politics as a domain of cooperation, which is defined by the actors’ identities, practices, and impact by continuously evolving institutional structure. Constructivism is of the view that reality is socially constructed and norm formation, identity and ideational power play a dominant role than the theoretical model. Constructivism can be viewed as a relatively new and unique theory in international relations. Alexander Wendt

plays a very dominant and important role in enhancing constructivism as an international relations theory. He is of the view that the description of international relations is not 8 (44) anarchic but states make it. These are the states that act as administrators and decide the international system whether it is conflicting or collaborative. Wendt explained that the states play an important role as the central player regarding the nature of international relations. This suggests that the balance or uncertainty of the international system is based on the behaviour of states and how they tend to deal with the international environment. Although in spite of the realism claim that humans want power and at the international level states also desire power to pursue their national interests, constructivists claim that states are the core elements and decisionmakers and they are liable about the nature of international relations in lawlessness and stability (Weber, 2010, P. 63) Wendt also

states that international relations are constructed socially instead of historically. Furthermore, norms and values are the main factors in shaping and creating international relations and material structures (Ahmad, 2020). Another constructivist named Anthony Giddens also viewed society as a social structure; according to him, this layout also acts as a base for human behaviour and interaction between them. The conception of power is very essential in constructivism, and it is also viewed as a constructed value. Power is designated to actors according to the criteria of perception by other actors. For instance, powerful states are strengthened because the other states perceive them as powerful. Thus, the notion of power is based on the popularity of the actor in the international system. The players in the international system are also ensuing societal norms, which is also an essential factor in forming human behaviour and the structures of society (Ouchenane, 2023). 2.21 Identity

and Norms In constructivism, identity plays an important role. The important notion in constructivism is identities and interests. Constructivists state that states can have multiple identities that are constructed socially through interaction with other actors. The idea of identity is explained as the actor’s conception of itself, its responsibility in the social world, and its relations with other actors, which sequentially lead to their interests. Identities are crucial in a constructivist view because in their view, identities create interests and actions. For instance, the identity of the small state involves different interests concerning the larger state. The smallest state is targeted on its survival, whereas the large state is oriented toward global hegemony and influencing military, economic and political decisions. The actions of the state should be about the identity of the state, which means that the state cannot act opposite to its own identity otherwise the

rationality of the identity can be questioned. Nevertheless, the formation and interpretation of identity depend on others and the fact that it is persistently evolving. The constructivist has more focus on identity as to attain a specific identity the actor must follow rules, norms and values which are connected to identity thus the activity of the actors can be explained (Theys, 2018). This explains that identities act as a framework for how different states and institutions react in certain situations. Some actions are said to be more suitable and in accordance with one’s identity. In the view of Alexander Wendt, human beings analyze themselves and are under the influence of thoughts and ideas. Thus, collective identity is based 9 (44) on these basic concepts. He also stated an optimistic view on social life, which means that social communication is much more essential than technological, biological, or environmental aspects. Furthermore, he also introduces a comprehensive

perspective that explains that the sole actors cannot be accountable for different situations. This advocates that the focal point of this perspective is in the form of a collective and common identity. Wendt explained the international world as complex because the interests of the states with the international law and other features are the framework for the rules. Wendts concept of identity negates realist belief regarding interests and identity, which states that actors are fully aware of their actions and their position before interacting with other actors. In contrast to the realist view, Wendt states that the interaction expresses the structure of identities and interests between the actors (Sofic, 2019). Societal norms are also the core concept in constructivism. Social norms can be described as ‘a standard of appropriate behavior for actors with a given identity (Katzenstein 1996, p.5) A state that validates a chosen identity has to obey the norm that is linked with that

particular identity. This notion deals with the possibility that some behavior and actions are more acknowledged than others. The procedure is called ‘the logic of appropriateness’ in which actors act in a particular aspect as according to them the behavior is appropriate (March and Olsen 2004, p. 951–952) To simplify the conception of norms, Peter Katzenstein recognizes them into three types: regulative norms, constitutive norms, and prescriptive norms. Regulative norms direct and necessitate behavior, constitutive norms develop new players, interests, and classification of actions. Prescriptive norms direct certain norms, which means that there are no unacceptable norms within the view of those who recommend them (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998). Furthermore, norms undergo a ‘life cycle of norms’ before they are established. A norm becomes an expected behavior when it is embraced by the critical mass of the suitable state and incorporates it within their own execution. For

instance, constructivists are of the view that many states came forward and united to build up climate change mitigation policies because according to them it is a good initiative for the existence of humanity. After the Decenary of diplomacy and approval, it becomes a suitable behavior that is incorporated by the citizens and they expect their leaders to adhere to it. In a nutshell, constructivism is the view that reality is socially constructed. The main factors of constructivism are norms, identity, and ideas (Cristol, 2019). 3 Methodology This thesis is organized with the qualitative research method. Qualitative research is a type of social science research that collects and works with non-numerical data and that seeks to interpret meaning from these data that help understand social life through the study of targeted populations or places (Crossman, 2020). Descriptive study (A descriptive case study explains an event and its factors. The descriptive case study covers an event that

occurs in this contemporary world and which includes the people or certain group experiencing and facing the consequences of the phenomenon) (Yin, 10 (44) 2018) with single case study, a single case study is described as a case study with a single unit of analysis (Yin, 2002), holistic in nature whereas the holistic design authorizes a researcher to look upon the case as a whole while in embedded design the case is studied in the form of subunits (Yin, 2014) and ground in theory in which theory is used to analyze the case and the approach being used is theory guided case study. The theory-guided case study is described as case studies that are clearly structured by a well-established conceptual framework that focus on theoretically described aspects of reality (Levy, 2008) in order to explain the above research questions. Under this approach, the data are collected through official documents of the Arab League, United Nations, and State websites of the different countries.

Literature, journal articles, reports, and media relevant to the study are also included. A descriptive case study is followed with the theoretical framework of neorealism and constructivism to explain the Israel Palestine conflict from 1993 onwards, and the effectiveness of the Arab League in solving the conflict will be discussed. There are different methods of research designs in which the study can be conducted. In this particular case, I will conduct a descriptive qualitative case study, which is very useful when interpreting different texts and features. The qualitative research design will help the researcher to understand the case much deeper, which is to be studied, and it will enable the researcher to have a broad view of the phenomenon by addressing broad research questions. By using this research design, the researcher can pay attention to the details by using political institutions and other actors when evaluating the empirical material that is being collected. The

qualitative research also allowed the researcher to incorporate different theoretical approaches to the study. “Qualitative research is a situated activity that locates the observer in the world. It consists of a set of interpretive material practices that make the world visible. These practices transform the world. They turn the world into a series of representations, including field notes, interviews, conversations, photographs, recordings, and memos to the self qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of or interpret phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them”. (Denzin and Lincoln 2005, p 3) Keeping these aspects in mind, it is obvious that the qualitative approach is the most suitable for this study. 3.1 Case Study In the field of social sciences, case studies are commonly used to describe processes and relations within societies. The aim of the case study is to explain the links between processes and relationships.

According to Yin, the case study is explained as “a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between a phenomenon and context are not clear and the researcher has little control over the phenomenon and context” (Yin, 2002, p. 13) A case study design allows us to see into the different features of historical phenomena or events and to investigate all these features in order to generalize its connection to another phenomenon. (George & Bennett, 2005, p 4) Case study research is conducted to inquire about the contemporary phenomenon in depth (Yin, 2014, p.16) According to Yin, a case study should have these two characteristics: scope and features. The 11 (44) scope of the case study can be described as a deep investigation of a real event whose root cause is not completely understood and all the circumstances are keenly observed that established the event. This feature is explained as the case study has to deal with events with

complex conditions depending on numerous sources of evidence and back the theoretical statements (Yin, 2014, p. 16-17) A case study aids an examiner to recognize a phenomenon while considering all the conditions relevant to the phenomenon. The Israel Palestine conflict phenomenon is descriptive, so this case study will also be descriptive. A descriptive case study explains an event and its factors. The descriptive case study covers an event that occurs in this contemporary world and which includes the people or certain group experiencing and facing the consequences of the phenomenon. It comprises a detailed investigation of the facts of circumstances and an expert opinion in order to determine the origin of the problem, the parties behind the solution, the effects of execution and connection to theories, policies and concepts applicable to the circumstances for the public (Yin, 2018). In this research paper, the purpose is to describe the Israel-Palestine conflict from 1993 (Oslo

accords I) onwards using neo-realism and constructivism theory and to describe the effectiveness of the Arab League in solving the Israel Palestine conflict. This conflict is complex and has been ongoing for several decades with many players such as the U.S, Iran, and Middle Eastern states Due to this characteristic, this dispute has a special status and has been developed interestingly, the peace process has not been fortunate and this feature made the case worthy of study. Therefore, it is fascinating to describe the efforts of the Arab League to resolve the dispute. The reason behind the study of the Arab League as a special case is because the Arab League is the only organization in the Middle East that can play an important role in solving the conflict. The theoretical framework is the central point in this study In this case study, the Arab League is discussed and it shows only one unit of analysis, so it is not a comparative study but a single descriptive case study. 3.11 Case

study Design When we want to design a case study. There are two important characteristics to choose. First, choose a case study in terms of a single or multiple study The types of case studies, i.e, descriptive, exploratory, or explanatory case studies, can have a single or multiple case design. Second, to choose between holistic design and embedded design. As holistic design authorizes a researcher to look upon the case as a whole, in embedded design, the case is studied in the form of subunits (Yin, 2014, p.53) In a single case study, the case is examined in detail to validate a hypothesis or theoretical argument. Single case studies have many advantages, such as the investigator can have a deep understanding of complicated phenomena from different angles over time. Another plus point of a single case study is that the researchers can also have an approach to the circumstances that cannot be seen by outsiders (Ozcan, Han and Graebner, 2017) As this case is a conflict between Israel

and Palestine and there is only one case involved, this case study is studied as a single case study. Therefore, in this case study, I have chosen to conduct a single case study holistic design and the case will be descriptive. 12 (44) 3.2 Theory-Guided Case Study The approach or method used for conducting this case study is Theory-Guided Case Study. The theories named Neo-realism and constructivism will be used to explain the conflict. The theory-guided case studies are also idiographic, which means to describe, explain, interpret, and/or understand a single case as an end in itself rather than as a vehicle for developing broader theoretical generalizations (Lijphart, 1971, pp. 691) as their purpose is to define or depict a single historical phenomenon or event rather than to generalize beyond the data. These cases are also called interpretive (Lijphart, 1971, p.691), disciplined-configurative (Eckstein, p 99–104), and caseexplaining (Van Evera, 1997, p 74–75) case studies

In contrast to inductive case studies, these case studies are clearly structured by a well-established conceptual framework that focuses on theoretically described aspects of reality. The cases in this approach are usually selected because of interest and compatibility, and then theory is applied to describe them. The theory explains the case instead of increasing it to generalize it. Some social scientists oppose the idea that this approach should only be used by historians and that social scientists should only rely on constructing and testing generalized theories. But in reality, the social scientist with the theory-guided case studies delivers better understanding and explanation of the features of the case studies. If the case interpretations are guided by the theory, then there will be increased clarity in the analytic assumptions, normative biases, and causal propositions (Levy, 2008). 3.3 Selection of Case The selection of cases is an important part of the case study

research design. In single case designs, it involves only one unit of the social phenomenon. The small number of research units allows the researcher to make justification with the selection of cases. The case study research samples are not selected randomly but are adopted strategically. The cases are selected that give the highest amount of information about the research aim to the researchers (Curini and Franzese, 2020, p.1133) The selection of cases also depends on the kind of research question, i.e, descriptive in this case As the case selected with descriptive research questions, gives maximum information about the characteristics of the social phenomenon. In the case of a single case study, researchers try to find an average case, which means a case that is a classic example of a specific phenomenon. On the other hand, they can also select an extreme case, which means a case where a social phenomenon can be seen in a clear-cut way or under extreme conditions. A deep and

explained description of the phenomenon is achieved by interrogating this type of case (Curini and Franzese, 2020, p.1133) Thus, in this case study of the Israel Palestine conflict, an extreme or unusual case is explained as the case deviating from theoretical norms or even an everyday phenomenon (Yin, 2014, p.52) is selected As each conflict is unique in its characteristics and is usually difficult to solve, this conflict also involves not only identity crisis but it also includes security and national interest issues between both states. In this thesis Palestine is considered as a state not a case as the time frame of 13 (44) this thesis starts from 1993 the Oslo accords I in which Palestine liberation organization (PLO) represented Palestine and Israel recognized Palestinian authority (PA) and hand over the governing power to PA (Department of State, 1993) then according to United Nations The "State of Palestine" is officially accepted as a NonMember Observer State on

29 November 2012. Palestine’s appointed capital is East Jerusalem and the main administrative core is in city of Ramallah (West Bank). The State of Palestine is accepted by more than 130 countries around the globe (nations online, n. d) As Palestine has its own government and it maintains ties with different countries as well Palestine within this thesis is dealt with as a separate state not a case. 3.4 Reliability and validity According to Bryman, in order to cover internal and external aspects, he divided reliability and validity in qualitative research (Bryman, 2016, pp. 389-390) With reference to reliability, it explains the quality and extent of the study and whether it can be recreated by others. Validity can be managed in the following ways to be persistent in conducting research, which means that the researcher is undeviating within the theoretical approach and its indicator. Second, the absence of systematic errors and third, the study should measure what it measures. The

validity is to examine, recognize and estimate the relations between the observation and application of theoretical ideas and whether this description can be generalized apart from the study. The validity is divided into internal and external validity Internal validity explains the conclusions that are descriptive and explanatory in nature and rely on the analytical units consumed in the study (Esaiasson, et.al, 2013, P63) The external validity looks at the extent of the generalization of the descriptive and explanatory conclusions. To guarantee the reliability and validity of the study, the details and figures are selected from primary and secondary sources. The primary sources included the official documents of the Arab League, Israel, and Palestine, i.e, its Charter, policies, and national interests of the respective states, which confirm the validity and precise information. Secondary sources from global writers are selected to ensure validity. It includes those authors from a

western point of view and those from a middle eastern point of view so that the perspectives of both the authors can balance the analysis of each other. According to Gillham “facts do not speak for themselves” (2000, p. 10) So the gathering of data and its interpretations cannot be averted. By only giving stress on one case (the League of Arab States), the validity is elevated because there are less chances of errors in single cases as compared to comparative case studies. But if we talk about the generalization (external validity), then a single case has a negative impact on it. Reliability is also an important part The idea of reliability is used for producing the outcome from different tests. High reliability explains that there are no systematic errors in the research (Esaiasson, et.al 2013. P70) 4 Operationalization To answer the research questions of this thesis. The theoretical concepts chosen have been used as indicators to operationalize into an analysis model. Theory is

the most 14 (44) important practical tool, and this case study is based on theory-guided study. The operationalization is necessary to form a connection between theory and practice; this suggests that the theory is used and applied to the research problem and will guide the analysis (Bryman & Bell. 2013) The concepts from the theories are incorporated into the Israel Palestine conflict and Arab League and are then used in the analysis. The concepts from theories are broken down into indicators that are relevant to the theoretical description and applicable to the case and will be explained in an analytical chapter. The theoretical analysis framework is divided into three sections: the first section will be the theoretical approach, the second section will describe the concept, and the third section will have indicators. By working on this a bridge has been made between the theory and analysis and the results will be interpreted on the basis of operationalized analysis (Sofic,

2019) and as far as effectiveness of Arab League is concerned it is explained with context to Israel Palestine conflict and the analysis is made on the basis of its policies and actions implemented with relation to the conflict. Table 4.1 shows the theories, their main concepts, and the indicators used in the analysis. 15 (44) Theoretical approaches Concepts Indicators Israel • Security Dilemma Balance of power • No official army. • Palestine balancing against Israel. • Developing diplomatic relations. Survival and security. Building relations with the Arab states and Iran. Establishing relations with IOs such as the U.N and the E.U • Economic cooperation with Arab States. • Act as regional a hegemon. Security To avert the Israel’s enemies. Maintenance of high degree of internal cohesion. • The Survival of Zionist state. • • • • Identity • Constructivism Theory • • The Change of identity (survival to regional dominance).

Palestine military situation (Weak defense system). • Defense agreements with other states. • Norms Modern defense system. • • Neorealism Theory National Interest Armed force technology. Palestine • • • Promotion of Judaism. • Zionist culture and practices. • Security and identity of freedom and independence The Change of identity (security to diplomatic alliance). One nation, one land. Islamic Values and practices. Arab League • Arab states alliance formation against Iran. • Changes in the LAS policies with regards to Israel. (From isolation to establishing relations). • The Changes in LAS structure (conflict resolution. Economic activity). • • LAS identity in the Middle East. LAS use Arab Identity to act as a regional association. 16 (44) 4.1 Material As this thesis aims to study the Israel Palestine conflict from 1993 onwards and the effectiveness of the Arab League toward the conflict, the material used will be accurate

and authentic, which includes official websites and documents from the League of Arab states, State documents, books, literature, articles, and press material. 4.11 Official regional and state documents In this view, the official documents of The League of Arab States, such as its charter and the script of the annual summits and the council of foreign minister meetings, are considered. The material from the individual member states of LAS to Israel Palestine issue is also linked, the reason is to look into the national interests of the states .The strategies and national policies of both main conflicting states, Israel and Palestine are approached and the access to these documents can only be found at official government websites .It is worth noting that this study is lead from 1993 and onwards because first official consensus by both parties was the Oslo Accords 1993 .Therefore, the material which is chosen revolves around 1993 year and onwards .The merit of utilizing these type of

official documents is to secure the direct thoughts of the state’s perspective on this particular issue .As the official documents they depict the policies implemented by the states and provide the guidelines for the states to execute them, but these documents have a demerit that they only show the information according to their own policy and will so there is a need to involve secondary sources of information to get broader views for the study. 4.12 Literatures and articles A number of literature and articles that comprise different aspects and perspectives related to the issue are also included. The articles are chosen from trustworthy and authentic authors and publishers such as the Journal of Foreign Affairs, the Middle East journal, Research gate Publications, Jstor Publications, academia Edu, and Cambridge University Press. A group of articles and literature that comprise various views and approaches related to the issue are also incorporated. The articles are chosen from

different institutions that show the viewpoint of western and middle eastern authors. This comprehensive variety of perspectives is to ensure the balance of the writers explaining different perspectives and to minimize the inclination toward the west or middle eastern perspective to provide a persuasive argument for this research. 4.13 Press materials Furthermore, the media publishers like BBC, Reuters, Al Jazeera, diplomats, guardians, Middle East monitor and national media of different countries are also covered. Although there was a difficulty in accessing the national media due to the language barrier, only the news presented in English has been used as a source. Therefore, for this reason only selective media sources as references to explain the events are considered. 17 (44) 5 Modern roots of the conflict 5.1 Oslo Accords I (1993) and II (1995) The Oslo Accords were two different agreements ratified by the government of Israel and the leadership of the Palestine

Liberation Organization (PLO), and they were signed in Washington D.C in 1993 (Oslo I) and in Taba, Egypt in 1995 (Oslo II) (Office of the Historian, n. d) The representatives of the PLO and the Israeli government came to Norway in 1993 and discussed the model of peace. The leaders from the PLO were Yasir Arafat, former Israel PM Shimon Peres, Israeli PM Yitzhak Rabin, and Norwegian deputy foreign minister Jan Egeland. The Norwegians play an important part as mediators Before the ratification of Oslo I Accord, both parties signed a “Letter of Mutual Recognition” in which the PLO admitted to recognize the state of Israel (before this agreement they had agenda that the formation of the State of Israel is the violation of international law) and the Israelis accept the PLO as a sole “representative of the Palestinian people”. In addition, the Oslo I accord also formulates the “Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements,” which helps to form the

Palestinian Legislative Council (a freely elected parliament), which sets a base camp for the gradual withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza over a period of five years (Editors history.com, 2018) In the Oslo I Accords, there was a plan to follow up the agreement, known as Oslo II, which consisted of consultation on the future governance of Jerusalem as well as border issues, security, and rights. A code of conduct for free elections for the Palestinian Authority leadership was also established. Oslo II Accords were signed two years after Oslo Accords I. This pact gave limited authority on some parts of the region to the Palestinian Authority, while it also gave permission to Israel to capture Gaza and the West Bank and to create guidelines for economic and political cooperation between the two nations. The treaty also explains that both sides will avoid any violence or dispute with each other, Israel will gather tax from Palestinians living in occupied territory but working in Israel,

and the earnings would be distributed to the Palestinian Authority. Israel will also look after the import and export of goods and services in Gaza and the West Bank. The Oslo Accords life was short lived. In 1998 Israel was accused by the Palestinian Authority of not withdrawing their forces from Gaza and West Bank as per stated in the Oslo Accords and firstly, after slowing the settlement of Jews in West Bank, in 2000s new construction of housing for Jews again started .After which the disagreements started again the negotiations were held to follow up Oslo Accords at Camp David, but they failed due to the regime change in U.S as president Bill Clinton was replaced by president George W Bush in 2001 as the USA was the mediator (Editors history.com, 2018) 5.2 Second intifada till present In 2000, the start of the second intifada occurred by Palestinians, which ended in 2005. The reason behind the beginning of the second intifada was anger over the 18 (44) control of the West

Bank by Israel, over a stagnating peace process, and because of prime minister of Israel Ariel Sharon’s visit to the Al Aqsa Mosque, also called the Temple Mount (a place which is a holy place for Muslims and Jews) in September 2000. In reciprocation to the intifada, the Israeli government ordered the establishment of a barrier wall around the West Bank in 2002, which violated the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. The conflict continued even though the Israeli PM in 2003 declared a “disengagement plan” according to which the Israeli soldiers and Jewish settlers would leave the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. After the death of Yasir Arafat in 2004, the new Palestinian leadership was moderate and they opted for negotiations, and a ceasefire was held in early 2005, which caused less violence from both sides. After 38 years for the first time in August 2005, Israeli forces left Gaza after seizing it from Egypt, and they also discarded the Jewish

settlements and gave its control to the Palestine Authority. In January 2006, legislative elections were held in Palestine and Hamas, which was an armed group, won the elections with most seats. In June 2006, 8 Hamas military fighters conducted a cross border raid and captured Israel defense forces (IDF) conscript Gilad Shalit and pushed Israeli forces for an air attack against Gaza (BBC, 2021). In December 2008, Israel launched a military action against Hamas and the operation was named Operation Cast Lead (Gaza) after the rockets were hit in the southern Israeli town of Sderot. This operation lasted for three weeks and Israel aimed to destroy the Hamas terrorist infrastructure, operational centers, storage depots, workshops, production facilities, smuggling tunnels, rocket launching sites, and Hamas gunmen. Hamas also attacked and launched hundreds of rockets on Israel Almost 14000 Palestinians and 13 Israelis were killed. On 17 January 2009, the operation in Gaza was terminated by

Israel. The reason behind the termination of operation was the signing of a “Memorandum of Understanding between the United States and Israel Regarding Prevention of the Supply of Arms and Related Materiel to Terrorist Groups” which will assure that the United States would stop the flow of weapons and military equipment to Hamas. On January 21, all Israeli forces left Gaza The United Nations Human Rights Council on 9 January 2009 voted to dispatch a mission consisting of experts to calculate human right violations in Gaza by Israel. The Goldstone report was published in September 2009 and according to the report, Israel was accused of doing war crimes in the Gaza operation as Israel had intentionally targeted the Palestinian population. After this report, Israel was criticized for its inhuman actions (ADL,2022) Israel started another operation on November 14, 2012 called "Operation Pillar of Defense" against citizens of the Gaza Strip. The offensive operation started

after days of rocket fire from both sides. On November 14, Israel killed Ahmad Jabari, the chief of Hamas promoting protests everywhere in Palestine. The Israeli army also launched attacks on 20 different places in the Gaza Strip, which also includes residential zones, as Israel claimed that the weapons were hidden in civilian areas. On November 16, the Egyptian president visited Palestine in solidarity with them; on the other hand, the rocket attacks continued. Israel called to broaden its area of attack and now they started hitting Hamas governmental sites and on 17 November they demolished the Prime Ministers office as well. Hundreds of Palestinians also protested in the 19 (44) occupied West Bank, but Israel used weapons against them. The ceasefire agreement occurred on 21 November with the help of Egypt and the USA. In this conflict, 175 Palestinians were killed, of which 107 were civilians and 1000 were injured; on the other hand, only 4 Israelis were killed. Both sides

claimed victory According to the ceasefire agreement, Israel was bound to "stop all hostilities in the Gaza Strip land, sea and air including incursions and targeting of individuals." Palestine also had to respect the same lines. (Hussain, 2017) An air operation was started by Israel Defense Forces on July 7, 2014 against Hamas and other terrorist organizations in the Gaza Strip named Operation Protective Edge. It was started as a result of a great number of rockets fired from the Gaza Strip on Israel during June and July 2014. Hamas continued the rocket fires on Israel through sea and land routes and rejected the ceasefire initiative. In addition, the Israeli government sent a ground army to the Gaza Strip to find and neutralize cross-border ground tunnels. On 26 August 2014, a ceasefire without any condition occurred between Israel and Hamas. At least 2076 Palestinians were killed, which comprised 70 percent civilians and 10,224 were injured in the attacks; on the other

hand, 69 Israelis were killed (IDF, 2014). After a year of the fight between Palestinians and Israelis in 2015, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas denounced the Oslo Accords, which bind them to be held in certain areas. Elections were held in Israel and prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu was reelected as prime minister, and he clearly stated that a two-state solution is not possible for Palestine-Israel conflict. In December 2017, a historic event occurred when the Trump administration recognized officially the capital of Israel as Jerusalem and declared that the US would shift its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, which was a conflict zone declared by the UN. This decision outraged Palestinians (Centre for Preventive Action, 2023). There were many protests by the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and the border areas in March and May 2018, large demonstration was held on the occasion of the 17th Independence Day of Israel. According to the United Nations report, almost 183 Palestinians

were killed and 6,000 were injured. In May 2018, the conflict arose between the Hamas and Israel armed forces, and it was considered the darkest time of conflict since 2014. According to the reports, Hamas launched more than one hundred attacks on Israel and on the other hand, Israel hit more than fifty targets in a single day. A ceasefire was held between Israel and Hamas mediated by Egypt (Bibbo, 2019). Under the Trump administration, Israel received many gifts, including recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and relocating the U.S Embassy from Tel Aviv, closing the PLO office in Washington, cutting US aid to the Palestinian Authority and to UNRWA (UN organization that helps Palestinian refugees and their families from 1949), and acknowledging Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights (Aftandilian, April 2023). The decision was embraced by the Israeli government but was criticized by Palestinian leaders and other countries in the Middle East and Europe. According to Israel,

they view its capital as “complete and United Jerusalem” and Palestinians insist on having East Jerusalem as their capital in the future. In January 2020, the US government announced its plan named “Peace to Prosperity”, which was refused by the Palestinian Authority as it provides a safe route to Israel for the invasion of settlements in the West Bank and to have full control over an 20 (44) “undivided” Jerusalem. The United States arranged a talk between Israel and many Arab states at the ministerial level in Warsaw, Poland, and the aim was to discuss the prospects of peace in the Middle East including Israel Palestine peace, Yemen and Syrian conflict, and the situation of Iran However, the Palestinian Authority did not attend the meeting as they view the U.S as pro-Israel (Wroughton and Pawlak, 2019) In September 2020, an agreement occurred between Israel and several Arab States named UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco to establish diplomatic ties among them, which

were known as Abraham Accords (U.S department of state, n d) The accord was rejected by Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas. In October 2020, an Israeli court ordered that the Palestinian families who were living in Sheikh Jarrah (a neighborhood in East Jerusalem) should be expelled until May 2021 and handed over their land to Jewish families. In February 2021, the Palestinian families appealed against the court and started protesting and demanding to nullify the ruling. A clash broke out between the Palestinian settlers and the police in the AlAqsa Mosque compound in Jerusalem hundreds of Palestinians were wounded In order to destroy Hamas and other militant groups infrastructure, Israel launched an air attack in the residential zone of Gaza, which affected health care units, media offices, and refugees. On May 21, both parties agreed to a ceasefire, which was mediated by Egypt; however, both parties claimed their victory (Froomin and David, 2021). It was estimated that more

than two hundred and fifty Palestinians lost their lives and two thousand were injured; on the other hand, thirteen Israelis were killed in this eleven-day conflict. According to the UN, more than 72,000 Palestinians were displaced. In November 2021, Israeli defense forces (IDF) killed five top leaders of Hamas claiming that there was a Hamas cell planning to attack Israel. If we talk about 2022, the U.N Mideast delegation stated that 2022 will be the deadliest year in the occupied West Bank for Palestinians since 2005 when the U.N started to record casualties and called for immediate peace talks between Israel and Palestine. Till November 1,2022, almost 125 Palestinians had been killed in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, including women and children, during the fighting between Israel and Palestine and hundreds were injured; on the other hand, only 19 Israelis were killed. According to Israel, they had killed militants, but innocent Palestinians who were demonstrating were killed by

the IDF (Associated press, 2022). In 2022, Israeli forces killed 170 Palestinians and wounded more than 9000.2022 is the sixth year of continuous yearly escalation in the number of Israeli settler attacks in the occupied West Bank. Almost 600,000 and 750,000 Israelis live in 250 illegal settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem (Tahhan and Humaid, 2022). Talking about the year 2023, on 26 January, Israeli forces executed a raid in Jenin Refugee Camp situated in the north of the occupied West Bank and killed nine Palestinians, including two children. Over 20 people were wounded United Nations experts have condemned the attack (United Nations, January 2023). Till march 23 ,86 Palestinians had been killed by Israel, which predicted the number of deaths to increase by 2022. But the situation becomes tense when Israel raids the Al Aqsa Mosque during Ramadan nights in April. The Israeli force used grenades and rubber bullets to 40 people and arrested 300 to 400 Palestinians. The number

of Palestinians killed by Israel till April 2023 has reached 95, which includes 17 children as well 21 (44) (Muaddi, April 2023). On May 9, 2023, Israel launched a series of attacks on Palestine and closed its border, which caused a shortage of medical supplies and food. More than 800 people have been displaced in Gaza. Israeli raids have targeted hospitals, schools, and residential zones. Finally, after five days till now 13 May 2023, a ceasefire has been announced by Egypt, the mediator of the ceasefire. The Palestinian Islamic Jihad group verified the ceasefire, but Israel did not confirm the truce report. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Israeli air raids close to health facilities and shrapnel also fell inside four UNRWA schools (Pietromarchi and Hatuqa, May 2023). 5.3 The League of Arab States (LAS) The Arab League or League of Arab States is an intergovernmental organization (IGO) with member states of African and Middle

East countries. It was founded on 22 March 1945 in Cairo to promote pan Arabism. The member states included Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Libya, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Kuwait, Algeria, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, The United Arab Emirates, Mauritania, Somalia, The Palestine Liberation Organization, Djibouti, and Comoros (see appendix 4: Map of Arab League). The purpose of the establishment of the league was to bolster and cooperate within the political, cultural, economic and social spheres of the member states and to moderate between the conflicts of the member states in order to promote pan Arabism, peace and stability in the region. On 13 April 1950, the member states also signed the joint military and economic cooperation pact for a strong military defense, and in 1964 Palestine liberation organization (PLO) was granted observer status and in 1976 the status was changed to full membership. (Arab.org, 2020) The analysts are of the view that the central

institutional framework in the middle east known as the Arab League is regarded at its best as the most desolate regional cooperation and at its worst as the least constructive major regional organization in responding to the conflict in the region as political and military cooperation. In resolving conflict, the Arab League is far behind the other regional organizations. It is estimated that between 1946 and 1977, a total of 116 conflicts happened in the world, but only 12 percent of the conflicts in the region were arbitrated by the Arab League (Pinfari, 2009). 5.31 Arab Peace Initiative (API) Saudi crown prince Abdullah in 2002 at the Arab League summit in Beirut established a new charter for Arab Israeli peace. His views were evolving and approved by the Arab League and are called the Arab peace initiative (API), which provides peaceful and regularized relations between the Arab states and Israel, on condition that Israel will end the conflict and have an agreement with the

Palestinians. The aim of the Arab Peace Initiative was the creation of a Palestinian state on the lines of 1967 with the capital as East Jerusalem and to solve the issue of Palestinian refugees according to the U.N General Assembly Resolution 194 The initiative also includes the mission to conclude the Arab Israeli conflict and to make peace agreements and relations with 22 (44) Israel (Israel, 2022). This initiative was accepted by the member states of the Arab League and the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). From Israel’s perspective, they also want to end the isolation for their gain from the Arab states to increase their economic and security collaboration. But Israel sees API as inadequate because to them this plan can either be accepted or rejected but there isno middle route as Israel has to withdraw its forces and accept the right of coming back for Palestinian refugees according to U.N resolution 194 and by doing this they will accept the

Palestinians right of independence. The Israeli leadership called for an outside in approach. According to Israel, it should first normalize its relations with Arab states and then with Palestine; this approach will strengthen the Israel position as compared to Palestine and will prove that Israel is not isolated. But most Arab states have rejected this opinion. If we talk about the Palestinian perspective, they accepted the API and were ready for the talks (Is peace still possible, 2018). In March 2002, this plan was approved by the Arab League at the 2002 Arab summit in Beirut, but Israel launched an operation in Palestine. But in March 2007, at the Arab League summit in Riyadh, the plan was fully reapproved. Then in 2017 at the Arab League summit in Jordan, the API was re-endorsed and stress was laid to follow this initiative as there is no other plan to achieve peace in the region (Aftandilian, 2017). The plan also had support from the European Union, United States, and United

Nations, and it was the only solution. “The Arab Peace Initiative is one of the pillars of the peace process it sends a signal that the Arabs are serious about achieving peace," said UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (Ahmad, 2021). 6 Analysis As this is a descriptive case study with a theory-guided approach, the theories used as a theoretical framework will help explain the Israel-Palestine conflict. The theories used are Neo-Realism and constructivism theory. The discussion in the first part will rely on neorealism, security dilemma, and the balance of power and national interests. The second part will analyze the constructivism theory on the basis of identity and norms, and the third part will discuss the policies of the Arab League in accordance with neorealism and constructivism. 6.1 Security dilemma As the environment of the international arena is anarchic, states need to get secure and to deal with their fears so they gather power and strengthen their army to prioritize

their security. Meanwhile, the increase in one states security is often considered a threat to the other state, and this is a security dilemma. 6.11 Israel Armed forces technology If we talk about the case of Israel and Palestine. In the case of Israel, its army named Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) consists of 170,000 military people, and three million males and females are on the reserve list. It has quite a large number of armies as the 23 (44) total population of Israel consists of nearly 9 million, which shows that Israel is fully armed. The IDF military budget is estimated to be $205 billion in 2019, and the Israeli army has 15 most armed expenditures in the world. The Israeli forces also manufactured weapons in its homeland as it has a military industry and is one of the biggest exporters globally having arms trade with Russia and the U.S Other European countries are also its customers (TRT World, 2021). Israel’s secretly progressing nuclear weapons are on its way, which

is not under the agreement of the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). NPT is an international treaty that regulates the nuclear record of the world. In water, the Israeli force is also well equipped; it has deployed 10,000 military men in the navy. The Israeli Navy also possesses 4 corvettes, 8 missile boats, 5 submarines, 45 patrol boats, and 2 support ships. The Israeli air force has missiles that are complex and divergent ballistic and range from 1500 km, 1000 km and 3500 km. Moreover, cruise missiles named Jericho-2 range up to Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Iran. It is estimated that the IDF has 684 fighter planes and modern technology and the number of active personnel in the air force is 34,000. According to NTI, a nuclear watchdog Israel missile capacity includes nuclear-capable mediumrange ballistic missiles (MRBM); short-range subsonic cruise missiles with advanced capabilities such as non-line of sight targeting (NLOS). Last but not least, Israel has an iron dome air defense system that

prevents Hamas and Islamic Jihad rockets (TRT World, 2021). 6.12 Palestine military situation If we talk about the Palestinians, they do not have a proper army, but many Palestinian resistance factions have far less personnel than the IDF estimated to be around 30,000 to 50,000. It is said that Hamas comprises 10,000 to 20,000 warriors Another group named Islamic Jihad supported by Iran has 8,000 to 9,000 people. Taking into account that the Palestinian Authority security forces formed under the agreement of the Oslo peace accords are sponsored by the US and the EU, and they are controlled by Tel Aviv. The number of Palestinian security forces is up to 83,000 As Palestinian force is a result of the Oslo accords and it is stated as the distrust agreement, Palestinian forces are under Israel’s control and even in the state of war they can not play their military role. According to Israeli intelligence, Hamas has 5,000 to 6,000 rockets that can hit between the Gaza border and 40 to 55

km away; they also acquire missiles ranging from 100 to 160 km, which are manufactured in Iran, and the number of shortrange rockets acquired by Islamic Jihad is 8,000 (TRT World, 2021). Palestine has no defense industry and has no aircraft means that it has no air force. Hamas wanted to manufacture their own rockets and military weapons in Gaza but because of the nonavailability of resources, they could not. Talking about water, the Palestinians have only a few fishing boats in Gaza. After looking at the facts and figures and analyzing the military conditions in both states, it is clear that Israel’s army is far superior to that of Palestine. In an anarchic environment, the power gained by one state causes distress for another state. As a matter of fact, Israel and Palestine are in a state of conflict, and Israel is trying to gain power in the region by advancing in military technologies and building its army, 24 (44) which in return causes doubt in Palestine. As Palestine

cannot compete with Israel at any cost, Palestine suffers from the security dilemma (TRT World, 2021). 6.2 Balance of power According to the balance of power, states want maximum power for defense and hegemon purposes, and to fulfill this need, economic and military policies and external methods are used. In the case of Israel, many defense pacts are being signed by Israel to gain power in the region. 6.21 Israel Defence Agreements Besides the U.S, which is the main ally of Israel, Israel has also signed defense and cooperation agreements with other regional states such as Morocco and Bahrain. Israel is inclined toward the U.S for its security, and since its creation, it has signed many defense agreements with the U.S The security of Israel is the main point in US foreign policy for every president since the presidency of Harry S. Truman Since the formation of Israel in 1948, the United States has provided more than $125 billion of assistance to Israel to deal with the issue of

building military and complex security threats and establishing Israel’s strength through security aid and cooperation. The aid helped a lot Israel to reconstruct Israel Défense Forces (IDF) into one of the world most powerful and competent armies and make Israel’s military industry and technology zone one of the largest merchants of military ability throughout the world. There have been many bilateral defense cooperation agreements between the United States and Israel. Status of forces agreement (1994) In 2009 the US provided Israel with $ 3.4 billion for missile defense and in 2011 $ 13 billion was granted for Iron Dome. From 2010, Israel has been aided by the United States with $720 million of defense equipment under the program named excess defense articles, which includes weapons and spare parts of weapons. The US European Command has also conserved the US war reserve stockpile in Israel, which can be used in the case of a military emergency by Israel. Besides this, Israel is

also the biggest receiver of security aid under the program named Foreign Military Financing (FMF). The agreement has been signed for ten years from 2019 to 2028. Under this agreement, the US grants $33 billion yearly under the FMF program and $500 million for programs designed for missile defense. The US also offered Israel with the most advanced military apparatus, the F-35 Lightning. Moreover, Israel has been labelled as a Major NonNATO Ally of US under US law This special place suggests the close relationship between U.S and Israel (US department of states, 2021) Moreover, Israel and Russia also signed a military cooperation agreement in 2010. Both countries spend millions of dollars on agreements for military equipment. Furthermore, Israel is also strengthening its military bond in the region and signed defense agreements with Bahrain and Morocco. The agreement with Morocco was signed in November 2021 in Rabat and laid the foundation for security cooperation and military arms

purchase between the two states (Al Jazeera, 2021). Bahrain and Israel also signed a security cooperation agreement on 3rd February 2022. It is considered as the first security agreement between Israel and the gulf state. The MOU was signed, and collaboration will be held in the fields of intelligence, mil-to-mil (military to military), industrial 25 (44) cooperation, and more according to the Israeli Defense Ministry Benny Gantz. For the first time, Israel also took part in a Middle East naval exercise led by the U.S and 60 nations took part including the UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and Oman (Reuters, 3 February, 2022). 6.22 Israel’s economic cooperation with Arab States In terms of economic cooperation, Israel has extended its economic activities with the UAE and Bahrain, which will strengthen Israel’s position in the region. According to the statistics, exports of Israeli goods to the UAE will expand from $58.8 million in 2020 to $384 million in 2021 and imports of Israel

will increase to $120 million in 2020 and $836.9 million in 2021 An agreement between Israel and the UAE was signed in 2022 to open a free trade zone between the two states. This type of agreement is the first and only agreement between Israel and any Arab state. Bahrain has also developed economic cooperation with Israel as in 2021 the Israeli exports were calculated to be around $3.7 million and Bahraini exports to be around $28 million (Samarskaia and Lazovskii, July 2022). In September 2021, the Israeli prime minister also visited Egypt for the first time in the last ten years to strengthen the bond with Egypt (Bauer, March 2022). 6.23 Palestine balancing against Israel As for Palestine, it joined the League of Arab states as a balancing purpose against Israel. According to Waltz, balancing is described as “allying with others against the prevailing threat”. So, in the case of Palestine to counter Israel, Palestine joined the great alliance of Arab states. In 1964 Palestine

liberation organization (PLO) was granted observer status and in 1976 the status was changed to full membership. The LAS member states also signed a joint military pact for strong military defense (Arab.org, 2020) In 2022, the Palestinian Authority (PA) was eager to create a new alliance with Russia, which is also an important participant in the Middle East. During the Cold War, the Soviet Union also supported the Arab States during the war with Israel. In recent times, the relations between Russia and Palestine have built up considering the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the relations with Israel are unfavorable as Israel is a strategic ally of the U.S and NATO who is against the Russian invasion In October 2022, Palestinian president Mahmood Abbas and Russian president Putin met, and the Palestinian president appreciated the Russian role in the Middle East and stated the Palestinian view regarding U.S mistrust in solving the issue Putin stated that Russia is off the view regarding

the settlement of this dispute according to the line of the UN. In the reign of Hamas, Russia provided Palestine with Russian-made Strela anti-aircraft missiles to tackle Israels fighter (Hanifa, 2022). The Palestinians should see the opportunities to form relationships with all powers to fulfill their objectives; there is a need to balance their international coalitions. 26 (44) 6.3 National Interests According to neorealism, national interests have nothing to do with individuals or political leaders; instead, the state develops policies that are according to their survival, which is the national interest for the state. The main priority of the state is security demands, and they tend to fulfill them. After the recognition of national interest, states should plan their diplomatic and military activities carefully, otherwise the survival of the state will be in danger (Waltz, 1979, P.134) Waltz is also of the view that every state determines its set of rules and regulations to

achieve its national interests. 6.31 Israel’s national interest; security and power The primary national interest of Israel is gaining power for its power and security. Hence, Israel can dominate the region and its neighbors. This power is military, economic and social, and Israel has gained this power by signing defense and economic agreements not only with Arab countries but also with other western countries Another policy of Israel is creating an alliance with the most powerful country of the time. Before the creation of the state, Great Britain was the ally of Jews who provided much support to them and allowed Jews to strengthen themselves. After the decline of Great Britain, Israel became friends with the U.S as the US settled the largest number of Jews outside Israel. Israel had great relationships with super powers in the unipolar world, and now that the world is multipolar, it still retains a special relationship with one of the strongest countries in the world.

Furthermore, the policy is to avert Israels enemies to form an efficient league or alliance against them. Israel considers pan-Arabism a threat to its identity and has maintained good diplomatic ties with its neighbors to secure its position. The example of this is Abraham accords in which four Arab states have recognized Israel. Although Israel is situated around Arabs, due to conflicts among themselves, this situation is indirectly in the favor of Israel (Kramer, 2011). The continuity of increased internal togetherness is also another policy to fulfill national interests. The Jews of Israel consist of a very diverse population comprising many people from Europe, Asia, Africa, and America. But it has been seen that Jewish identity is very efficient in binding people of different origins to the Israeli nation. Israel has many subcultures, ranging from Arabs to immigrants of European origin to Ethiopians born, but they act as a unified nation. All the above-mentioned policies are the

way to achieve national interests of security and survival (Kramer, 2011). 6.32 Palestine’s national interests The primary national interest of Palestine is its survival and security as described by neorealism. Palestine wanted to build relations with the Arab and Islamic states by this move Palestine wanted to maintain its existence in the Arab political environment by gaining official identification and to understand Palestine’s point of view. So that a new dimension is seen, it inclined itself toward Islamic policies so that it would give Palestine material and moral support as well. Gradually, Palestine also maintained 27 (44) relations with other countries such as Russia and organizations such as the United States and the European Union. The Palestinians will ensure survival and pressurize Israel for negotiations. As of now, Palestinians are looking for recognition in the United Nations as a member state to increase their power and pressurize Israel for the

negotiations. To fulfill its national interest, Palestine has maintained good relations with Iran as Since the end of the Iranian revolution in 1979 Iran declared war against Israel and since then it supported Palestine and in return Palestine also has good relations with Iran. Iran also helped Palestine with military equipment to gain strength against Israel as Iran has not good terms with the U.S (Brandenburg, 2010) Iran had provided 30 million $ military support to Palestine annually. So, there is a proxy war in the region, with US support for Israel and Iran and Egypt supporting Palestine. According to neorealism, security is a primary state interest and power is the tool to maximize security. 6.4 Constructivism analysis If we talk about constructivism, it states that relations are socially constructed by looking at this fact, if we take an example of the U.S, Israel, and Iran The social construction of reality is explained as the nuclear program of Israel is not threatening the

United States as the nuclear program of Iran. These recognitions are not created by nuclear weapons (the material structure) but considerably because of the understanding provided to the material structure (the ideational structure). This also depicts those nuclear weapons do not have any meaning until the social build-up is known. This means that the effects of ideas and beliefs are more emphasized over the material reality by constructivism, and it means that reality is always present during the formation process and can be altered. According to constructivist belief, agency (the capability of someone to act) and structure (international system made up of material and ideational components) are directly proportional to each other. Taking into account the relationship of hostility between the U.S and Iran shows the structure, i.e, ideas and beliefs between both states; however, both states are agency and can alter the present structure or social relations of hostility, but this change

relies upon the beliefs and ideas of both states. If ideas and beliefs change, then the social relationship between the states can also change from hostility to friendship (Theys, 2018). 6.41 Identity and Norms of Israel Constructivism also gives importance to identities and interests. According to constructivists, states can have many identities that are constructed socially from communication with other actors. Identity is defined as the actor’s knowledge of who they are, which causes the formation of interests. As interests rely on identity, the identity of each state is different with respect to its size. In the case of Israel and Palestine, both states have different interests. Palestine is a small state and they are more focused on their security and national identity of freedom and independence, whereas Israel on the other hand is a big state as compared to Palestine with the primary national interest of the national identity of Judaism. 28 (44) Norms are also the core

concept in constructivism; it is said that if the states comply with a certain identity, then they have to deal with the norms associated with that particular identity. Talking about Israel, the core norm was the national identity of Judaism, i.e, the survival of the Zionist state It builds on the country’s history as the creation of Israel was to build the only Zionist country with Judaism Identity so that Judaism does not eradicate from the world and the country was successful in protecting the Zionist rights. As stated in the theory of identity, the identity of the actor can change. Talking about Israel, its identity has changed from the national identity of Judaism to dominate the region through military and economic agreements with Arab states. So now national identity is not the only value of Israel; instead, regional hegemon has also been introduced to Israel’s value (Scroope, 2020). A norm passes through the life cycle of norms before it is widely accepted. A norm becomes a

behavior when most state actors accept and practice it. In the case of Israel, the norm emergence was the formation of national identity Judaism. The second step norm acceptance meant that Jewish citizens should accept the Hebrew language as the national language and the Star of David as a national symbol on the national flag (Scroope, 2020). After this, norm internalization occurs, which suggests that the conduct of Israeli citizens is defined by the above norms and practices. As a result, these norms and practices are incorporated in the Israeli masses as they speak the Hebrew language and use the Star of David as a national symbol. Thus, the conduct of the state and the norms are being observed by the citizens. 6.42 Palestine’s Identity and norms Taking about Palestine, the central norm was the security and national identity of freedom and independence, i.e, legal claim to the land and statehood Palestinian identity is a fundamental notion, but the title came into existence

after the formation of Israel to indicate the Arabs who once lived in the region. The idea of Palestinian identity also represents a perception of a common past and future in the shape of a Palestinian state (Evason, 2020). Palestines identity priority has also changed for security to diplomatic alliances to fulfill its outcomes. Thus, a new value of diplomatic relations other than the national identity of freedom and independence is added. Talking about the life cycle of the norm. In the case of Palestine, the norm that emerged was the formation of a national identity of freedom and independence. The second step norm acceptance meant that Palestinians whether they were living abroad or unshared their identity as Palestinian Arabs with a common homeland regardless of their religious differences (Islam or Christianity). A deeper analysis of this dispute explains how subordinate parties line up with the main parties and the effect of social identity and religious norms on it, i.e, the

Palestinians with the Egyptians and Iranians and Israelis with the Americans. The lineup within the parties is made according to their religious identity and beliefs (Muyo, 2015). Iranians as Muslims always supported Palestine because of their religious belief, and Israel is considered Iran’s enemy. Many other Muslim countries are also inclined toward Palestine, and as a matter of fact, Pakistani and Bangladeshi citizens are not allowed to travel to Israel as mentioned on their passports. 29 (44) 6.5 Analysis of the Arab league in resolving the conflict The main flaw is in the charter of the Arab League, which requires that the countries that approve the resolutions are bound by them. Thus, the lack of an obligation regarding the common action is the leagues biggest weakness. Many times, Arab states agree on creating a procedure for joint action like the European Union. However, due to individuality issues, the states did not cooperate for unity, which weakened the Arab League.

The most historical decision by the Arab League was to grant Palestine a special status to take part in its conferences and to treat its right to sovereignty and nationalism as a permanent feature of the organizations structure, plan of action, and political objectives. From time to time in its summits, the Arab League has discussed the Israel Palestine solution but did not conclude. Until 2002, Saudi Arabia proposed the Arab Peace Initiated (API) and was approved by the League. The Arab League played a side role from 1990 to 1995, but recently the league reappears and is more operational as it was in the past. With the frail negotiations between Israel, Palestine and other Arab countries, there is a great need for the Arab League to maintain the cultural links and common interests of the member states and to adjust to the current changes in the international world (Hadi, n. d) 6.51 Arab league and neo realism The Arab states have also changed their policy, and many Arab countries

indulge with Israel for their national interest. Arab States like UAE and Bahrain began to normalize relations with Israel for military and economic purposes, which made Palestinians feel alone by their allies. Palestinians have apprehension of Arab leaders that after the normalization of Arab Israeli relations, they will be excluded alone. Egypt, Jordan and Sudan have already signed a peace agreement with Israel to normalize relations, but countries like Saudi Arabia, UAE and Bahrain are one step ahead of their relationship with Israel (Jahshan, 2020). Another member of the Arab League, Morocco, has also agreed to establish relations with Israel mediated by the U.S in 2020 and become the sixth country of the Arab League to recognize Israel. The US president Trump announced the news stating as "Another HISTORIC breakthrough today! Our two GREAT friends, Israel and the Kingdom of Morocco, have agreed to full diplomatic relations, a massive breakthrough for peace in the Middle

East!”. The Morocco Israel deal was welcomed by Egypt, UAE, and Bahrain. However, the Palestinian Authority criticized the agreement and stated that it would uplift Israel to denounce Palestinian rights. Although the king of Morocco had ensured that these ties would not affect our commitment to the Palestinian cause, the king had restated his assistance for the two-state solution (Jawad, 2020). Another reason for Arab league member states having relations with Israel is the security dilemma against Iran, as Iran was secretly developing nuclear weapons and most of the states in the Arab league are unfriendly to Iran. Ever since the creation of Israel, Iran has declared war with Israel since 1948, and they show full support for the Palestinian cause. And even help Palestine with military equipment A summit 30 (44) occurred in Israel with diplomats from Arab league states and the U.S in 2020 to establish deeper relations among the countries. The Arab League diplomats and the U.S

The Secretary of State also stated to continue their support for the solution of the Israel Palestine conflict and it was announced to make an event as a permanent forum for the dialogues between the officials. Israels foreign minister stated that “deepening ties with friendly countries of the Arab League will "first" help counter the threat from Iran” (BBC, 2022). The summit was called "a harsh attack on the Palestinian people” by the foreign minister of Palestine. Iran has always backed the Palestinians, and recently, a 158th session of the foreign ministers’ summit was held in Iraq. In which the committee discuss the policy of Arab states relation with Iran and methods to refrain Iran from interfering in the internal affairs of Arab states in response to which Iran had issued its statements and stated that there is lack of understanding between the members states and the foreign minister of Iran commented instead of accusing Iran, the league states should look

into the crimes made by Israel against the Palestinians (Middle East Monitor, 2022). Talking about the neorealist point of view about national interest that happened in September 2020 at the Arab League summit in a virtual conference, there was a shock to Palestinians when LAS voted against a draft resolution against the UAE for maintaining its ties with Israel due to its national interests. Earlier when the news came of UAEs desire to form relations, the Palestinian Authority (PA) requested an emergency meeting to discuss the dangers of formation of ties, which were denounced by the organization. Finally, the Palestinian authority and Arab states agreed to add some points to the final declaration, which includes the stress upon the Arab peace initiative, the two-state solution, and the land for peace idea. However, a shift was seen in the league’s policy regarding Palestine and the Arab states diplomatic priorities as the league disproves any sort of condemnation of normalizing

relations with Israel by Arab states. It was also said that the foreign ministers of many Arab states wanted to include provisions that allow relations with Israel, which are clear violations of the Arab peace initiative approved by the Arab League in 2002,2007 and 2017. This resulted in a political split due to the move of Abu Dhabi Some more countries of the league started to maintain ties with Israel. The above situation can be seen through a neo-realist perspective, where the UAE and other states opt for pursuing the national interests of the state to develop a military and economic relationship with Israel. Therefore, the state of Palestine renounces its chairmanship of the present round of the Leagues meetings as a symbolic action of protest (Al Jazeera, 2020). This is not the first time the Arab League has been ineffective in abiding by its own commitments to Palestine. However, due to the national interests of many member states, the initiative by the UAE and Bahrain to have

strategic agreements with Israel has caused an identity challenge to Palestinians, although these states have started to support Palestine right to independence despite relations with Israel (Kharroub, 2020). Under these situations, it is said that Israel will strengthen its position with the help of the United States and Arab states against Iran to weaken its influence and that the Palestinians will be neglected and this will ultimately make the Palestinians and Arab 31 (44) states at a distance, thus the end of the API. The Palestinians are also of the view that these agreements with the Arab states will encourage Israel as Arab states have not fulfilled their promise to not have ties with Israel until the Palestinian state is achieved. The starting point of these assumptions began when the Palestinian authority gave up their right of chairmanship of the Arab league, and if the league remained silent on the issue of normalization of relations with Israel, then Palestine might

exit the Arab league in the near future (Kharroub, 2020). 6.52 Arab League analysis from the constructivism point of view As theory explains, identities act as a framework in explaining how states and institutions act in different circumstances. The Arab League policy making can be explained as the basis of identity and norms. It can be said that the policy-making process is arranged by a large number of states (member states). The league uses its Arab identity to act as a regional association. The league leads the states together and tries to make common policies in every state. The joint identity of the Arab League is formed by various national basic principles, which form collective identity established on common norms and values. Moreover, one of the basic norms of the Arab League is promoting pan-Arabism and independence, which can be traced back to the time when the league was formed. It is said that the league was successful in the unification of north Africa and middle

eastern states (European Union, 2021). Talking about the Israel Palestine conflict, the League has always promoted the independence of Palestine, granted it a full member of the League, and condemned the actions of Israel. On November 2, 2022, the Arab leaders in Algiers wrapped up the 31st summit of the Arab conference. The Arab leaders call for “collective Arab action” to deal with common challenges. As far as the Israel Palestine conflict is concerned, the summit communicates for the full membership of Palestine in the UN. The Arab League secretary General Tebboune said "Palestine is the pivotal cause to the Arab nation and states”. An Egyptian diplomat and ex secretary general stated "Therefore, we were determined to continue to issue resolutions and translate them and present them to the United Nations and international organizations as happens every time” (Africa news, 2022). Furthermore, as stated in the theoretical framework, the identities of actors can

change. Due to different situations and circumstances, the identity of the League of Arab States (LAS) has also changed, and as a result, the behavior toward the Israel Palestine conflict has also changed. With the rise of the Arab spring in the region, a change was seen in the league approach of dealing with conflicts. As before the Arab spring, the league did not interfere in the internal affairs of the states. Talking about Libyas examples, Syria and Sudan. The Arab League has also acted as an institutional mediator and a gateway institution (Hanna, 2012). In 2020, the Arab League asked for the withdrawal of foreign forces in Libya and stressed the need for a discussion on resolving the conflict (AlArabiya News, 2020). On the 32nd summit of the Arab League in Jeddah on 19 May 2023, Syrian president Bashar al Assad was invited. He was dismissed from the league in 2011 because of the civil war in Syria, and after 12 years in 2023, Assad returned to the League. Bashar al Assad was

welcomed by Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman, and a change of policy has been seen in the 32 (44) League. The Saudi crown prince stated that he hoped Syrias "return to the Arab League leads to the end of its crisis," which killed more than 350,000 people (Yaakoubi and Nakhoul, 2023). In Sudan, where the conflict is between the army and paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) since April 15, the declaration renounced “foreign interferences that inflame the conflict and threaten regional security and stability.” The Arab League stresses the discussion and unity between the battling sides (Hamad, 2023). So, now independence is not the only core norm of the Arab League, but the conflict resolution is also added to the framework of the league. In the case of the Israel Palestine conflict, Arab league member states have also recognized Israel and started maintaining diplomatic relations with it, including the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. However, at the recent

summit of the Arab League in Jeddah, the league members reassured the focal point of the Palestinian movement and repeated the Palestinians right “to absolute authority over all territories occupied in 1967, including east Jerusalem.” The league also expressed the significance of “activating the Arab Peace Initiative,” which was proposed by KSA at the Beirut summit in 2002 (Hamad, 2023). In addition to the independence and conflict resolution league promoting the economic activity, the member states have developed economic relations with Israel like the UAE and Bahrain. However, the conflict resolution in the member states is trivial, which means that independence is the priority and will not be questioned. This means we can say that the role of the Arab League consisting of identity will not be changed (Sofic, 2019). 7 Conclusion This paper is supposed to explain the Israel Palestine conflict from 1993 onwards and the effectiveness of the Arab League in resolving the

conflict with the help of two international relations theories, namely, Neorealist theory and constructivism theory. However, after the research both the theories mentioned above have explained the conflict with their own characteristics for neorealism the security dilemma, the balance of power and national interests explains the conflict between both the states i.e, Israel and Palestine which make them feel under threat from one another and urge them to join different agreements and pacts. From the view of constructivism, it is the norms and identity issues due to which both states are in a state of conflict. 7.1 Empirical Conclusion Palestine is trying to get full membership in the United Nations as it has full observer status. The Palestinian president had submitted the application for full membership in the United Nations in 2011, but it was vetoed by the United States (Magid, 2022), and they have clearly stated to veto any resolution regarding the membership of Palestine and to

resolve the conflict by negotiations with Israel. In September 2022, President Mahmood Abbas reappeared for Palestines membership and stated “We are the exception. We are the only ones in the world on whom double standards are being applied.” Therefore, we should be granted full membership (UN Affairs, 2022) Since May 11, 1949, Israel has been a full member of the United Nations (Israel ministry of 33 (44) foreign affairs, 2013). However, at the recent summit of the Arab League again, a voice was raised for the full membership of Palestine in the UN (Africanews, 2022). As for Israel, although it has a very successful combative military strategy against Palestine, at this time the Israeli government should hold talks with the Palestinian authority to gain everlasting and permanent solution and peace in the region. Israel should now be much more careful about its policies toward Palestine to avoid any conflict with its Arab partners. (Feierstein and Guzansky, 2022) Israel should

reevaluate its policies regarding new Jewish settlements and the return of seized settlements to Palestinians. The Palestinian leadership should also stop its attack on Israel if they want to have a talk. There is a concern that with the escalating situation there can be an outbreak of the third intifada in Palestine, which can make the situation even worse. Now is the time there should be a sense of responsibility toward both sides leadership that a military solution is not the permanent solution to the issues between Israel and Palestine (James, 2020). Looking forward to foreseeing the effectiveness of the Arab League, the Arab League is lagging behind and ineffective in resolving the issue. The league is only confined to discussions and accusations but has done nothing practically for Palestine; instead, most of the Arab states have shown their openness toward Israel, which came as a shock to Palestine. It is recommended that the Arab League make its policies and political actions

more constructive in order to gain a more effective and powerful role in the dispute to achieve a peaceful resolution of the conflict. 7.2 Methodological conclusions The single case study is taken as an extreme case with a theory-guided method with a detailed explanation of Israel and Palestine as the main parties in the conflict and the Arab League, which acts as a regional organization through the lens of neorealism and constructivism. The theory-guided approach involves the chosen theories to incorporate in the case study. Talking about the methodology regarding Palestine so it is clear from the research paper that Palestine is studied as a State rather than the case as it acts as an individual state on international arena and is recognized by 130 States around the world and has its own identity. The main actors in the state of conflict, i.e, Israel and Palestine along with the Arab League, are assessed on the basis of concepts explained in neo-realism and constructivism, which

include security dilemmas, balance of power, national interests, norms and identity. From these aspects, the core explanatory features, as described by system design, can be attributed to the international political system and socially constructed phenomenon in influencing the chosen conflict. The chosen period for this thesis was 1993 onwards because the Oslo Accords was a breakthrough with respect to recognition for both Israel and Palestine. The use of official regional and state documents gives a direct reflection of the approach used by Israel, Palestine, and the Arab League toward the conflict. However, the approach to the material with regard to the official website of the League of Arab States is still limited due to the language barrier. 34 (44) 7.3 Theoretical conclusions According to the neorealism theory, three factors are recognized in this thesis: the security dilemma, the balance of power, and national interests. These three factors explain the Israel Palestine

conflict and analyze the policy of the Arab League toward the conflict. Looking at the first concept security dilemma. Both parties in the conflict ensure to strengthen their military capabilities, which in return causes a security dilemma for the other state. Israel’s heavily militarized and one of the world’s best army is causing distress to Palestine and Palestine’s military help of Iran is also a source of threat to Israel. A common reason for both states to attack each other With regard to balance of power the conflict can be explain as states need power for hegemon purpose and in this specific case Israel being the strategic partner of U.S has much support in from the global power in terms of military and in economic sphere Arab States including UAE and Bahrain had economic agreements with Israel which will benefit the position of Israel and thus causing problem for Palestine .The Palestine’s policy to counter this situation is that Palestine had joined the Arab League in

1964 and recently Palestine has started developing relations with Russia to counter the U.S presence and it also maintains a good relations with Iran. National interest also explains this conflict as Israel’s national interest is security and survival sue to the only Jewish state in the world, they are more concerned about their survival and about security the creation of Abraham accords as Israel has fell threaten because of the pan Arabism ideology so to counter or balance this approach it has used its Abraham Accords as a platform to fulfill its national interests and the U.S strategic partnership is also an important goal of Israel. Palestine on the other hand has security as a main national interest, and the establishment of relations with Arab States, Russia, Iran, and international organizations such as the EU and UN is a way forward to secure its place in the region. Constructivism also identifies two features: identity and norms. Talking about identity as an interest relies

on identity and looking at Israel, its national identity is Judaism. As norms are identified by identity, the core norm in this case is the survival of the Zionist state. As in constructivism, core norms change so Israels core norms from survival changed to regional hegemony by signing different economic and military pacts with Arab states. From Palestine’s perspective, the core norm and identity were security and national identity of freedom and independence. But it shifts from security to alliance formation, so new core value diplomatic relations are also added to get support. Constructivism views conflicts as a socially constructed phenomenon, so this conflict also characterized the identity and religious differences between the two nations. In a nutshell, the role of the Arab League can be described in many ways depending on its theoretical concepts and indicators. In general, by looking at the analysis, I would say that the Arab League acts as a security dilemma against Iran and

members try to fulfill its national interest by maintaining ties with Israel. These characteristics are related to neorealism. The Arab League also has a strengthened identity and 35 (44) norms, i.e, pan Arabism and in case of norms independence and conflict resolution, which are linked to constructivism in this particular conflict. 7.4 Future Research For future research, one could investigate the role of other actors such as the United States and Russia in the Israel-Palestine conflict as both states have different interests and approaches. Another new approach of peace and conflict is also being introduced, known as agonistic peace. The agonistic peace approach is explained as “Besides creating peace where both sides share a common picture of the course of events, agonistic peace focuses on building frameworks to enable discussion between the parties, even after a peace agreement has been signed” and researchers can use that approach to examine the solution of the Israel

Palestine conflict. This approach challenges the traditional ideas of peace and conflict approach to resolve the armed conflict. (Egan,2021) As I explained the history of the conflict with the role of the Arab League likewise, other organizations such as the United Nations and Organization of Islamic Cooperation can also be explained in relation to the conflict. The research can also be done using different theories as theoretical frameworks and explaining the conflict through different perspectives such as liberalism. Research is also needed on water, refugees, and security issues between Israel and Palestine. In this research paper, the political aspects within Israel and Palestine have been narrowed down, so this aspect will also provide a good direction for future research. 36 (44) 8 References ADL. (2022, March) Arab Peace Initiative Retrieved from https://www adlorg/ resources / glossary-term/arab-peace-initiative. ADL. (2022, May 3) Operation Cast Lead (Gaza) - December

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